논문 : 고려 전기 지역방어체계의 특징

최종석 ( Jong Suk Choi ) 수선사학회 2011 史林 Vol.0 No.40

This study aims to review the overall characteristics of the local defense system in the early Koryo dynasty. It can be summarized that it was grounded on the regional community defense systems. I also found out that such regional community defense system did not operate itself but perform its role in the context of local defense system in Koryo dynasty. From the perspective of local defense system, the Koryo was dependent on the community self-defense capability of each region. Thus, each Kunhyun(郡縣) meant to be the unit of defense system. Koryo people in each Kunhyun had been able to defend themselves centering on the local castle as the center of their administrative control. It can be maintained that the Mongol invasion marked a turning point in the manner of such a local defense system of Koryo dynasty.

조선초기 迎詔禮 운영과 『蕃國儀注』

최종석(Choi, Jong-suk) 호서사학회 2018 역사와 담론 Vol.0 No.86

고려말기에는 고려 측이 작성한 ‘迎大明詔使儀’에 따라 영조례가 거행되었다가, 조선에 들어서는 한동안, 정확히는 세종 10년 예조에 의해 ‘迎詔儀’가 작성되기 전까지 영조례는 명이 사여한 『蕃國儀注』‘蕃國接詔儀注’에 의거하여 치러졌다. 그런데 ‘迎大明詔使儀’는『번국의주』 ‘蕃國接詔儀注’를 저본으로 하여 그것의 상당 부분을 그대로 옮겨 적은 것이어서, 고려말기 이래 세종 10년 ‘迎詔儀’의 작성 전까지 영조례는 사실상 『번국의주』 ‘蕃國接詔儀注’에 의거하여 거행되었다고 할 수 있다. 세종 10년 ‘迎詔儀’는『번국의주』 ‘蕃國接詔儀注’를 저본으로 하면서 이를 상세화한 것이었다. 이것은 의례 절차의 기본 구성뿐만 아니라 각 부분 내 세부 절차마저도 『번국의주』 ‘蕃國接詔儀注’와 사실상 동일하였다. 『번국의주』 ‘蕃國接詔儀注’는 명 측이 불특정 번국을 대상으로 하여 조서를 맞이하는 절차를 개괄적으로 서술한 성격의 것이었기에, 세종 10년 ‘迎詔儀’는 영조례가 이루어지는 곳인 조선의 현실을 반영하면서도 원활한 의식 거행이 이루어질 수 있도록 단위의절들 간에, 혹은 단위 의절 내에 존재한 미비한 지점들을 메우는 식으로 『번국의주』 ‘蕃國接詔儀注’를 보완 · 상세화하였다. 『세종실록』 오례 ‘迎詔書儀’는 세종 10년 ‘迎詔儀’와 의례의 구성과 세부 절차등에서 다른 바가 없다. 그렇기는 하나 세종 10년 ‘迎詔儀’가 의주대로만 의식을 거행해도 될 정도로까지 빈틈없는 매뉴얼로는 기능하지 못한 것과 달리, 『세종실록』오례 ‘迎詔書儀’는 이에 전적으로 의지해도 될 만큼 완성도가 높았다. 이처럼 영조례는 고려말 이래 기본적으로 『번국의주』‘蕃國接詔儀注’에 의거하여 거행되었는데-세종 10년 ‘迎詔儀’와『세종실록』오례 ‘迎詔書儀’의 작성에도 불구하고-, 그러면서도 영조례 운영의 방식은 세종대를 분기점으로 하여 달라졌다. 세종대 이전에 영조례는 『번국의주』 ‘蕃國接詔儀注’를 토대로 하면서도 다소 편의적이고 임기응변 식으로 거행되었다고 한다면, 세종대 들어서는 자신들의 이념적 지향에 걸맞은 ‘제대로 된’ 영조의례를 거행하고자 하는 열망에서, 영조례 실행을 놓고 禮義 등의 관점에서 문제가 될 만한 사안들을 스스로 찾아내 해결 방안을 모색하는 움직임이 두드러졌다. 세종대에는 그 이전과 달리 東國에서 東人이 주체가 된 이상적 문명 중화의 구현에 걸맞은 ‘제대로 된’ 영조의례를 거행하고자 한 노력이 경주된 것이다. Since the end of the Koryo dynasty, ritual for receiving the imperial order of the Ming was basically carried out in accordance with ‘Bunkukuiju’ given by the Ming Dynasty. The protocol for YeongJo Ritual in the end of the Koryo dynasty was a copy of ‘Bunkukuiju’ and its substantial portion was transcribed. Before the year 1428, the Joseon made direct use of ‘Bunkukuiju’. However, since 1428, the Joseon used ritual codes written with ‘Bunkukuiju’ as the base. They supplemented and elaborated rough ‘Bunkukuiju’. The way of operating Yeongjo ritual was changed by using the King Sejong period as a turning point. Prior to the reign of King Sejong, the Yeongjo ritual was based on ‘Bunkukuiju’, but was somewhat convenient and ad hoc. In the reign of King Sejong, Yeongjo ritual was operated in a desire to materialize ‘ideal’ Yeongjo ritual, which is in line with their ideological orientation. There is a movement to find solutions to problems that could be problematic from the point of view of Yeui(禮義) and the like in the process of the execution of the Yeongjo ritual by oneself.

한국사상(韓國思想)사학(史學) : 조선초기 제후국 체제 운영의 특징과 그에대한 맥락적 이해

최종석 ( Choi Jong Suk ) 한국사상문화학회 2013 韓國思想과 文化 Vol.70 No.-

본고는 제후국 체제를 철저하고 온전하게 운영하고자 한 조선초기의 움직임을 부각하고 아울러 그것의 역사적 맥락을 규명하고자 하였다. 이를 위해 우선적으로 조선초기 국가의 위상이 대내외적으로 공히 중국의 外國이면서 동시에 제후국이었고 이는 ‘원간섭기’ 이래로 지속되어 온 현상이었음을 논급하였다. 그러한 후 조선초기에 ‘원간섭기’와 다름없이 제후국의 위상이 국내에까지 관철된 이유를 탐색하였다. 특히 조선에 들어 제후국의 위상 내지 제후국제가, ‘원간섭기’에서와는 달리, 자발적으로 보다 철저히 구현되었음을 주목하였다. 이상의 검토를 토대로 하여, 조선에 들어 제후국의 위상 내지 제후국제가 자발적으로 보다 철저히 구현된 움직임의 역사적 맥락을 추적하고자 했다. 곧 조선에 들어서의 제후국 명분의 견지는 기본적으로 명에 의한, 혹은 명을 의식한 외향적 행위가 아니라 중화(문명)를 보편적인 것으로 여기는 세계관 속에서 이상적 중화 문명을 구현하고자 하는 일환에서 이루어졌을 것으로 보았다. The Joseon thinkers` tendency and decisions were not only out of their former experiences of enduring powerful Chinese dynasties. They themselves believed that the new world order and honor codes were identical with what they pursued as universal and obligatory. And they really wanted to repair Joseon to make it a state equipped with all those things. So they relentlessly pursued their own intentions in domestic reforms, no matter Ming urged the Joseon people to do so or not. In domestic reforms, the Joseon officials rather employed certain `original` methods to fulfill Joseon`s rightful status as a vassal state(分義).

조선초기 국가 위상과 ‘聲敎自由’

최종석(Choi, Jong suk) 한국사연구회 2013 한국사연구 Vol.162 No.-

Since the reign of Emperor Hongmu-je, Chinese Ming dynasty granted (Goryeo, and then) Joseon of the ‘Seong’gyo Ja’yu(聲敎自由)’ authority, and the Joseon government purposely embraced that. This ‘authority granting’ was actually inherited from a past convention, in which the Mongol Yuan empire promised the Goryeo government that Goryeo would be able to retain their past traditions(‘Bulgae Topung, 不改土風’). The Goryeo government as well actively utilized such agreement. Ming, in the footsteps of Yuan, sent to Joseon the Ming emperor’s royal edicts containing instructions in the form of ‘Seong’gyo Ja’yu’ and created the appearance of granting Joseon (and perviously Goryeo) a certain level of autonomy. Ming’s intention was to declare itself as the successor of Yuan empire’s ‘substantial’ control of the world, and to do that Ming needed a device, a procedural step of granting the subordinate state’s autonomy and independence. The Joseon government utilized such authorization not in issues involving Ming, but in domestic issues that involved the Confucian governmental officials as well as the king himself. They accepted and embraced ‘Seong’gyo Ja’yu’ in a hope and attempt to preserve the Joseon autonomy and independence in the context of Sino-centric universal culture.

조선 초기 종교 심성의 전환과 신사(神事) 혁신

최종석 ( Choi Jong-suk ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2020 民族文化硏究 Vol.88 No.-

조선초기에는 국가와 개인 차원에서 神에게 제사하는 일을 대상으로 하여 대대적인 혁신이 단행되었다. 국가 차원의 제사는 국가와 민인에게 공덕을 베푼 존재를 대상으로 보답과 감사를 전하는 당위적이고 윤리적 행위로 변모하였고, 개인적 치제는 官·民이 分限에 걸맞게 자신의 조상만을 제사 지내는 방향으로의 변화가 추진되었다. 祀典과 개인적 치제 방면의 이러한 혁신은 종래와는 이질적인 종교 심성을 토대로 이루어졌고, 단순히 유교화의 진전의 차원에서 시행된 것으로 그치지 않고 명나라 초기에 새로이 등장한 종교 심성과 이를 토대로 한 각종 조치를 수용해서 이루어진 것이었다. 그런데 명초의 종교 심성은 유례없이 혁신적이었고 이를 토대로 한 각종 조치 또한 그러하였으며, 이러한 각종 혁신책은 명에서 하향식으로 추진되었고 당시 현실과 괴리가커 예제와 법령을 통해 강제되었음에도 시간이 흐를수록 정착되어가기보다는 오히려 유야무야되어갔다. 이와 같은 성질의 것을 수용하여 조선초기에 추진된 각종 개혁책 역시 종래의 종교 심성과 이질적이었고 당시 현실과 괴리가 클 정도로 혁신적이었다. 神事를 대상으로 한 각종 개혁은 태조·정종대에 空轉하기는 했지만 태종대를 분기점으로 해서 구현되어 갔다. 祀典과 개인적 치제 방면의 혁신은 조선의 현실이 감당하기에 벅찬 성격의 것이다 보니, 태조·정종대에는 일부 유자 관료들의 노력에도 불구하고 기왕의 관행·종교 심성과 정면으로 충돌하는 혁신안은 수용되지 않거나 수용되었어도 실행·정착되지 못하였다. 그러다 혁신적 종교 심성을 수용·지향하는 태종의 즉위를 계기로, 공전되어 온 혁신안은 구현되어 갔다. 특히 사전 방면에서 그러한 움직임이 두드러졌다. 사전 방면에서의 대대적이고 적극적인 혁신 행보와 달리, 개인적 치제 방면에서의 혁신은 지지부진하였다. 사전 방면의 혁신은 국가(국왕)가 확고한 의지와 지향을 지니고 탑다운 방식으로 구현해 낼 순 있지만, 개인적 치제의 경우 官·民 내에 혁신적 종교 심성이 제대로 자리 잡지 못한 상황에서 사실상 조상 제사만을 허용하는 금령을 밀어붙였다간 반발과 부작용이 클 수밖에 없었을 것이다. 이러한 여건에서 국가(국왕)는 금령에 의지하지 않고 긴 호흡을 갖고 새로운 심성의 확산과 禮俗의 정착을 유도하고 기다려야 했다. This paper is a research work on the situation of the offering services for ancestors or gods in the early Joseon Dynasty from the perspective of a shifting religious mentality. In the early Joseon Dynasty, major changes were carried out targeting the sacrifices to the gods on the national and individual level. The major changes in the area of sacrifices to the gods on the national and individual level were made based on a different religious mentality from the past, and were not merely implemented in terms of Confucianization, but were made by accepting various measures based on the newly emerged religious mentality and these in the early Ming Dynasty. By the way, the religious mentality of the early Ming Dynasty was unprecedentedly innovative, and various measures based on it were also the same, and these various innovation measures were promoted from the central government to the top-down, and the gap with the reality at the time was large, and even though it was enforced through ritual institutions and laws, as time passed, it became faded. In line with this, various reform measures promoted in the early Joseon Dynasty were also different from the traditional religious mentality and were innovative enough to be far apart from the reality at that time. Various reforms targeting the sacrifices to the gods on the national and individual level were not achieved in the periods of King Taejo, the founder of the dynasty, and King Jeongjong, King Taejong’s period, but King Taejong’s period served as a turning point for achieving the various reforms with the offering services for ancestors or gods. Not long after King Taejong ascended the throne, he took a measure to promote the reforms, if not all. His measure was based on the newly emerged religious mind of the time, not solely on his own will. Since then, this religious reform measures have steadily expanded. Especially, attainment in the area of sacrifices to the gods on the national level was conspicuous. In other words, the reform on the state register system of sacrifice was successfully implemented.

고려말기 지역방어체제와 그 시대성

최종석(Choi Jong-suk) 한국역사연구회 2012 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.85

In this article, the local defense system that was operated in the Goryeo dynasty’s later days is discussed. In this period, most of the defense sectors were established in border areas. In case of the Southern region(“Nam-do/ ”) of 南道the Korean peninsula, Defense posts(Su’so/戍所) were installed in shore areas, in order to defend the country from Japanese raiders. And in case of the “Yang-gye/兩界” regions in the North and East side of the Korean peninsula, Check points(Gu’ja/口子) were set up in border areas as well, as those regions had been facing both the Mongol Yuan Empire, and the new Ming dynasty. In this period, most of these defense facilities were manned. Soldiers stationed there were people from other regions, and their commanders were bureaucrats dispatched from the central government. At the time, the central government did play an instrumental leading role in the country’s local defense.

한국의 ‘전통적’ 邑治 경관의 창출에 관한 試論

崔鍾奭(Choi Jong-Suk) 歷史敎育硏究會 2009 역사교육 Vol.112 No.-

The local administrative centers(邑治) of the Joseon dynasty period were centers of local ruling and administration, yet they were not mere ruling centers, they served as central locations that functioned as economic centers and important traffic junctures inside local areas. But the ‘scenery’ of such local administrative centers had never been examined from a historical perspective, and most of the studies have only analyzed the forms of those sceneries and perceived them as forms that could fall into a same category that had been labelled as ‘traditional form’. The so-called ‘traditional’ scenery of the local administrative centers can be characterized with its inherent geomantic configuration of their own inner spaces, and as we can see from the term ‘traditional’, many people tend to perceive them as products created outside the frame of time or history. This ‘traditional’ scenery of the local administrative centers is understood as a result that was established out of efforts of trying to adjust to the climatic environment (of Korea) which has many mountains and also a Northwest seasonal wind, and as a result that also came from a situation where people could get logs to burn and wild edible greens from the mountains and engage in agricultural production by using water from the rivers. We could say that the formation of this ‘traditional’ scenery of the local administrative centers has only been explained with variables that were not necessarily products of a particular time period. And the examples which did not fit with the ‘traditional’ scenery of the local administrative centers have been casually explained as a result of mere geological reasons. But we should be aware that the so-called ‘traditional’ scenery of the local administrative centers were only formed around the transitional period between the Goryeo and Joseon periods, and that such particular ‘traditional’ scenery of the Joseon dynasty had been perceived as a typical norm and also a norm beyond time. Unlike the local administrative offices of the Joseon period, which were usually positioned in auspicious places located in front of ‘main mountains’(in terms of geomancy), the administrative centers(治所, including the office buildings) of either the ancient or Goryeo dynasty were usually located ‘on’ the mountains(which generally served as ‘anterior mountains’ for the Joseon local administrative centers). And in those periods, political and military reasons mainly determined the locations of local administrative centers. We can see that the most important aspect of the scenery of the local administrative centers, namely the location itself, was so different between the ancient & Goryeo periods and the Joseon period, so it would be difficult to say that the former period’s ‘scenery’ was based upon geomantic elements just like the Joseon dynasty’s ‘scenery’. In the meantime, Goryeo dynasty’s capital itself happened to have geomantic elements, unlike the local administrative centers of the same period. The Gaegyeong capital was a relatively new one, and when it was named capital of the dynasty it was given a rebirth and a nature that was unattached to any previous norms inherited from the Shilla dynasty’s local administrative institutions, and in the process it was equipped with geomantic elements as well, which were never present in earlier periods' capitals. Unlike the ancient & Goryeo dynasty periods, in Joseon dynasty many of the local administrative centers in Gun & Hyeon units were showing geomantic elements and considerations, and it was basically because when the local administrative units(which had assumed the form of mountain fortresses) moved to the nearby plain areas during the transitional period between the Goryeo and Joseon dynasty, many regions established their own new local administrative center structures that were modeled after the main capital. In the wake of this kind of transformation that occurred inside the local ruling order which

조선전기 淫祀的 城隍祭의 양상과 그 성격

崔鐘奭(Choi Jong-suk) 역사학회 2009 역사학보 Vol.0 No.204

In the early days of the Joseon dynasty, the government decided to designate only a Seonghwang-je ritual format which was specifically based upon the Chinese Ming dynasty's local ritual protocols as part of the dynasty's official ritual system(正祀), and therefore the Seonghwang-je institutions that hailed from the Goryeo dynasty period, which showed those Seonghwang-je rituals being officially observed by a community, were declared as 'adulterate'. Such declaration was based upon a new perspective to view the so-called 'adulterate ritual' concept. Previously, 'adulterate rituals' only referred to rituals worshipping Shaman gods or other mystical beings. Yet the concept changed, and came to refer to as well either the 'unnecessary, inappropriate rituals', or 'rituals that are not registered in the national roster of official rituals', essentially calling previous Seonghwang-je rituals an adulterate practice. Transformation in some people's perception viewing these so-called 'adulterate rituals' during the transitional period between Goryeo and Joseon dynasties was actually triggered by those people's eagerness and readiness to accept and embrace new perceptions of certain rituals harboring a possibly adulterate nature. Such eagerness and readiness had been growing since the beginning of the Chinese Ming dynasty, and the Koreans' attitude was also based upon the argument which dictated the obligation and necessity of embracing (advanced) institutions of the current lord of the Chinese civilization('時王之制'). Coming into the ]oseon society, rituals for the Seonghwang shrine prepared either privately or publicly(in case of the latter, by the local Hyangri figures), came to be considered unwarranted and also adulterate by some people, and were therefore naturally banned. Yet it was not an easy job to prevent the larger population, in either legal or institutional terms, from still observing such rituals. Either the local leaders or the general population were not ready to accept the sino-centric world view and not to mention a new perspective which would determine a certain convention to be 'adulterate'. So legal and institutional banning was only working inside the capital, and against the literary class, especially the female portion of it. As a result, the 'adulterate' Seonghwang-je ritual from the Goryeo period continued to be observed, and prevailed during the early half of the Joseon dynasty. In the meantime, coming into the 16th century, a new trend of trying to suppress and control such rituals also began to emerge inside local communities as well. Then again, such trend was only apparent in limited areas, and was only occurring sporadically here and there. The public was still not ready to abandon past mentality and previous conventions, and the local literary figures had no choice but to acknowledge the situation and also participate in such rituals, while only a handful, 'pioneering' local prefects and local influentials(the same Sajok figures) were trying to control the rituals, and bring a change to the people's habits and customs. Private observations of the Seonghwang rituals, or of the community itself prepared by Hyangri figures continued in the 17th century. Yet the locations of such Seonghwang shrines, or structures related to the Seonghwang rituals, suggest that the 'adulterate' Seonghwang-je ritual observation was indeed weakening, especially in the latter half of the 17th century. First, the destruction of many Seonghwang shrines during wartime in the late 16th century must have paved a way for changing the frame of Seonghwang ritual observation itself(which was reflected in the early efforts of 'demolishing the Seonghwang-sa shrines and newly constructing Seonghwang-dan altars'/'廢祠設壇'). Secondly, the condition inside local communities have changed, as after mid 17th century, the local clerks and the commoners as well started to imitate and actively embrace the Yangban culture, which caus

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