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This study is to research journalism fairness, focusing on analysis of fact-checking that television broadcasters and newspaper companies attempted, which is related to the 19th presidential election in 2017. As a result of researching a total of 250 fact-checking, the JoongAng Ilbo had the largest number of fact-checking, which is 62 cases (24.08%), and SBS among the television broadcasters had the largest number of fact-checking, which are 39 cases (15.60%). Within the media, conservative newspapers conducted the more fact-checking with more articles as many as 106 cases (64.63%) than the fact-checking of progressive news papers as many as 58 cases (35.37%). As a result of verifying direct statements of president candidates, which are 27 cases, statements of a candidate, Hong Joon-Pyo, were 15 cases (55.56%) and 13 out of them were lie (86.67%). In the fact-checking of progressive media, which are 41 cases, there were 3 articles (7.32%) to aim at Hong Joon-Pyo, and there were 32 articles (78.04%), dealing with opposite candidates (Moon Jae-In and Ahn Cheol-Soo), and 16 cases out of them (50.00%) were lie. As a result of verifying 17 direct statements of president candidates, 11 cases (64.70%) are in case of Hong Joon-Pyo, and 9 cases out of them (81.82%) were lie. In the fact-checking of progressive media which is a total of 77 cases, 5 articles (6.49%) appeared, which are related to Hong Joon-Pyo, and 46 articles (59.74%) 최영준177 were related to the opposite candidates (Moon Jae-In and Ahn Cheol-Soo). 16 cases (20.78%) out of 29 direct statement cases of presidential candidates were Hong Joon-Pyo’s statements, and according to its verification result this study found that 4 acases are fact (25.00%), 6 cases are half fact (37.50%), and 6 cases are lie (37.50%). In conclusion, depending on a view from candidate’s inclination of politic, the conservative camp of Hong Joon-Pyo produced the most fake news and their verification results were almost lies. The conservative media supported Hong Joon-Pyo through fact-checking. 본 연구는 2017년 제19대 대선과 관련하여 TV 방송사와 신문사들이 자체적으로 시 도한 팩트체킹에 대한 분석을 재점검하여 저널리즘의 공정성에 대해 탐색해 본 것이다. 총 250건의 팩트체킹 시도를 살펴본 결과, 중앙일보의 팩트체킹이 62건(24.08%)으 로 가장 많았고 TV 방송사 중에서 SBS 방송뉴스가 39건(15.60%)을 차지하였다. 매체 내에서 보수성향의 매체가 106건(64.63%)으로 진보성향의 매체 58건(35.37%)보다 더 많은 기사량으로 팩트체킹에 나섰다. 방송사에서 대선 후보자의 직접 발언(총27건)을 검증해 본 결과, 홍준표 후보 발언 은 15건(55.56%)이며 그중 13건(86.67%)이 거짓이었다. 진보성향 매체들이 확인한 전 체 후보군 팩트체킹(41건)에서 홍준표 후보를 대상으로 하는 기사는 3건(7.32%)이었고 상대후보(문재인, 안철수)에 대한 기사는 32건(78.04)을 차지했으며 그중 16건(50.00%) 이 거짓이었다. 총17건의 후보자 직접 발언을 검증해 본 결과, 11건(64.70%)이 홍준표 후보의 발언이며 이중 9건(81.82%)이 거짓으로 나타났다. 보수성향 매체들이 확인한 전체 후보군 팩트체킹(77건)에서 홍준표 후보를 대상으로 하는 기사는 5건(6.49%)이었 고 상대후보(문재인, 안철수)에 대한 기사는 46건(59.74%)이었으며 홍준표 후보 관련 뉴스는 거짓이 0건이고 상대후보 기사는 16건(20.78%)이었다. 또한, 총29건의 후보자 직접 발언에 대하여 16건(55.17%)이 홍준표 후보의 발언이며 검증결과사실이 4건 (25.00%), 절반사실 6건(37.50%), 거짓이 6건(37.50%)으로 나타났다. 여기서, 안철수 후보의 직접 발언 검증은 없으며 문재인 후보의 발언 13건(44.83)에 대한 검증결과, 사 실 4건(25.00%), 거짓 5건(31.25%), 절반사실 3건(18.75%), 논란중 1건(6.25%)으로 나 타났다. 결론적으로, 후보자 정치성향으로 볼 때 홍준표 후보 보수진영에서 상대후보에 대 한 가짜뉴스는 가장 많이 생산되었고 검증결과는 대부분 거짓이었다. 홍준표 후보의 직접 발언은 대부분 거짓이었으며 보수성향 매체들은 팩트체킹을 통하여 홍준표 후보 지원을 실행하고 있었다.
Inchon, prensently the port for Seoul in foreign trade, was opened in 1883 as a result of the Treaty Port between Korea and Japan, and began to develop as a major port city. Recently, a number of studies concerning it's early development has been made, but most of them deal with such problem as local history and economic aspects. This study attempts to put special emphasis on the reconstruction of settlement landscape before and after the Openong of Inchon as an international trade port at the turn of the 20th century, and the process of modern industrial development. The basic methods of this study are as follows; a. classification of periods usings 1883 as the critical year; the period before 1883 is the pre-Treaty Port period and the later period between 1883 and 1913 is the Treaty Port period, b. investigation of documents and maps, study of place names, field works and interviews with the elders are main methods, c. investigation of old buildings in the early concession areas to interprete their styles and functions, their relation to the historical periods and the townscape characteristics. The main of urbanized area before 1883 was Kwan-Kyo Dong which was the center for local administration and transportation. At the dawn of modern age, a number of former administrative towns declined due to urbanization and the improvement of traffic facilities Inchon is such an example. As a result Jemulpo, a small former naval and fishery haven was developed as a leading commercial foreign trade and administrative town. Especially, because of these foreign settlements (a Japanese concession, a Chinese concession and a Western concession) which lasted from 1883 to 1913, Inchon acquired many distinctive characteristics such as follows; 1. the buildings in the foreign settlements were predominantly Japanese, Chinese and Western in style according to the concession area, but most of the houses in the Korean settlements were small, straw-thatched abodes or mud buts except a few tile-roofed residences, 2, despite its master plan, there was no distinctive civic center in the concession area as each concession had been constructed according to its own plan, 3. the greater part of the urban district was obtained by land reclamation which was used for railroad sites, harbor facilities and other industrial areas, 4. initial horticulture in Korea was begun by the Chinese with Korean, Japanese or Westerners in Inchon, the former cultivating vegetables and the later growing fruits or raising milk cow, 5. land transportation was still more primitive than marine transportation before 1900 and Inchon was a leading foreign trade port in those days with advantage of marine and inland navigation along the Han river. It's hinterland had shrunken since the construction of the Kyong-In, Kyong-Bu and Kyong-Eui railroads and Inchon had an industrial function because of investment from trading capital along with foreign trade, 6. half of the inhabitants were foreigners and of this number the breakdown is as follows; Japanese (80-85%), Chinese (10-15%) and Westerners (less than 1?) from 10 different countries. Therefore, in addition to the native Korean population 3 other subcultures existed in Inchon. Although it was a focus of initial Westernization or mdernization in Korea the great part of this subculture was gradually swept away with the abolition of the concession system. Consequently, Inchon in those days was little more than a cradle of hybrid culture and an advance base of colonization and the colonial culture contributed particularily in no way to the development of other Korean cities.