질적탐구 학회지에 게재된 논문의 연구 동향 분석(2015년-2020년)

주인석(Inseok Joo),이현진(Hyunjin Lee),김명찬(Myeungchan Kim) 한국질적탐구학회 2021 질적탐구 Vol.7 No.2

본 연구의 목적은 한국연구재단 등재학술지인 ‘질적탐구’에 게재된 논문의 연구 동향을 분석하여, 현재 ‘질적탐구’ 학술지의 위치와 연구 방향을 설정하고 시사점을 제공하는데 있다. 이에 창간년도부터 2020년까지 6년간 게재된 연구 논문 153편을 연도별, 연구방법별로 분석하였다. 연도별로 연구 현황, 연구 분야, 연구방법, 연구 주제, 연구 대상, 타당도 확보 기술 등을 분석하였고, 연구방법별로 연구 분야, 연구 주제, 자료수집 등을 분석하였다. 그 연구 결과는 다음과 같다. 연구 현황은 창간년도 이후 지속적으로 증가하고 있는 것으로 나타났다. 연구방법은 자문화기술지 27편(17.6%), 연구방법 26편(17.0%), 일반 질적 연구 26편(17.0%) 순이었다. 연구 주제는 교육경험 50편(32.7%), 특정경험 49편(31.4%), 상담경험 25편(16.3%) 순으로 나타났다. 연구 대상은 성인 94편(61.4%), 문헌 37편(24.2%), 대학생 7편(4.6%) 순으로 나타났다. 타당도 확보 기술 유무는 ‘유’ 90편(58.8%), ‘무’ 63편(41.2%)으로 나타났다. 이러한 연구 결과를 바탕으로 ‘질적탐구’의 질적 연구 성장 및 변화과정과 앞으로 나아가야할 방향을 제시하고 후속 연구를 위해 제언하였다. The purpose of this study is to analyze the research trends of the papers published in the Qualitative Inquiry, a journal of the Korea Research Foundation, and to set the position and direction of the current Qualitative Inquiry Journal and to provide implications. Accordingly, 153 research papers published for 6 years from the year of foundation to 2020 were analyzed by year and research method. The research status, research field, research method, research subject, research object, and validity securing technology were analyzed by year, and research field, research subject, and data collection were analyzed by research method. The results of the study are as follows. Looking at the research status, it has been steadily increasing since the first year. The research method included 27 autoethnography (17.6%), 26 research methods (17.0%), and 25 general qualitative studies (16.3%). The subjects of the study were 50 educational experiences (32.7%), 49 specific experiences (31.4%), and 25 counseling experiences (16.3%). The study subjects were adults in 94 cases (61.4%), literatures in 37 cases (24.2%), and university students in 7 cases (4.6%). In terms of presence or absence of validity securing technology, they existed in 90 cases (58.8%) and were missing in 63 cases (41.2%). Based on these results, the qualitative research growth and change process of Qualitative Inquiry and the direction to go forward were presented and suggested for future research.

독일 연방상원(Bundesrat)의 지역·정당이익 대표

주인석(In Suck Joo) 21세기정치학회 2014 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.24 No.1

The purpose of the paper is to analyse the modus operandi of the German Bundesrat, being as the second chamber under the cooperative federalism, in which regional and political interests of federal states have been represented simultaneously. And the paper will try to derive some implications for political reform in Korean Politics. The Bundesrat is a consensus-oriented institutional mechanism that represents political and region-specific interests through providing opportunities for cooperation and competition between federal government and federal states, among federal states. One reason to pay to attention to the structure and functions of Bundesrat is that the local politics in Korea needs a consensus -oriented system being able to overcome the chronic intervention of central politics into local politics and to coordinate the conflicts in the regional and local politics. A Bundesrat model would not be applied directly to the Korean politics because it has been placed in the German-specific historical and political context. However, we can take and learn some lessons from the Bundesrat model and German consensus democracy: first, political reforms in Korean politics have to be oriented toward providing the people with an 'equal life condition' and to bring our political systems including political party and election system to correspond to the goal. Second, a tentative named, 'Representative Council of Local Politics' is to be established for limiting the excessive interference of national politics and ensuring the local interests. And third, local politics is to be activated through organizational building of political parties at the local level.

독일 지방정치의 ‘탈정당정치화’ 경향

주인석(In Suck Joo) 21세기정치학회 2015 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.25 No.1

The purpose of the paper is to analyse some aspects in changing local politics in Germany. The paper deals with the ongoing discussion regarding the traditional role of the parties, namely ‘party politicization’ and a new tendency to the ‘de-party politicization(Ent-parteipolitisierung)’. Since the 1990s when political malaise was on top of the public agenda, the local politics has witnessed a trend, which has been characterized by the de-party politicization. This trend has to do with the implementation of the direct election of mayors and some direct democratic instruments, the increasing polling rate of ‘free voter groups,’ and the decreasing voter mobilization of the established parties etc. However, the trend shows a distinct difference between each state(Land), especially between NRW and Baden-W?rttemberg, due to the state-specific features such as the size of city(Stadt, Gemeinde) and the organizational strength of political parties. In spite of changes in local politics, the political parties have played significant role in nominating candidates, recruiting political elite, and forming the local parliament. What about further reforms in Korean local politics: first, political parties have to try to strengthen their organizations from national to local level. Second, the activation of local parties is needed to curb the excessive interference of the national politics in local politics, one of chronic problems in Korean democracy. Therefore, further debate on political reform in Korea, including political party and electoral system, has to direct at strengthening, not weakening the local party politics.

당내 민주주의의 수사(rhetoric)와 실제적 효과

주인석(In Suck Joo) 21세기정치학회 2006 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.16 No.3

This article aims to analyze the practical effects of the adoption of the direct democratic elements, such as ‘Mitgliederbefragung(unbinding membership ballots)’ of the SPD and ‘One Member One Vote, OMOV)’ of the Labour Party, in the leader selection process. Two parties have pursued the democratization of party leader selection in order to adapt to the changing party-external environments, especially a series of electoral defeats. The reform-oriented leaders of both parties asserted that intra-party democratization may strengthen the power of members and facilitate their participation. But the top-down reform of both parties led somewhat paradoxically to different results. The ‘Mitgliederbefragung’ of the SPD was based on the input-oriented perspective of intra-party democratization in which the representation and legitimacy of the party should be strengthened through empowering party members and expanding their participation in the party activity. But this direct democratic device failed to attain the aims. The result was the weakness and instability of party leadership, which was characterized by decentralized, fragmented power structure within the party. As a consequence, the organizational reform under the party leader Rudolf Scharping has been remained unfinished. In the british case, ‘OMOV’ was primarily based on the output-oriented perspective which emphasizes the efficient electoral performance and strategic autonomy of party leadership. The assumption that the expanding intra-party democracy, especially the adoption of OMOV may empower the position of party members and its increase their participatory chance in the party life was central to the basic rhetoric of Tony Blair-centred dominant faction within the Party. But 'OMOV' also, as the “Mitgliederbefragung” of the SPD, failed to realize normative rhetoric or aims. As a result, the adoption of ‘OMOV’ has strengthened more powerful party leader than party members. In summary, there exists a paradox between the rhetoric of intra-party democratization and its effects.

인간중심접근 상담자들의 치료적 조건 경험에 대한 질적 연구

주인석(Inseok Joo),김명찬(Myeungchan Kim),김현정(Hyeonjeong Kim) 학습자중심교과교육학회 2021 학습자중심교과교육연구 Vol.21 No.17

목적 본 연구는 인간중심상담을 주요 이론으로 하는 상담자가 경험하는 3가지 치료적 조건의 실제적 적용과 어려움을 탐색하고자 진행되었다. 방법 이를 위하여 2019년 12월부터 2020년 3월까지 약 4개월 동안 상담자 8명을 대상으로 2회에 걸쳐 심층면접을 실시하였다. 심층면접은 약 60분에 걸쳐 진행하였고, 전사한 축어록 자료는 반복적 비교분석법으로 분석하였다. 결과 분석 결과, 62개의 개념과 13개의 하위범주, 3개의 범주가 도출되었다. 각 범주는 3가지 조건의 적용, 3가지 조건의 효과, 3가지 조건 적용의 어려움과 개선방안이며 구체적 결과는 다음과 같다. 1) 3가지 조건의 적용 범주의 공통 요인으로는 ‘관계 속에서 나를 관찰하기’, ‘행위가 아닌 존재의 수용’, ‘표면적 감정의 깊은 이면에 접속’, ‘진정성이 선행되어 무조건적 긍정적 존중, 공감적 이해 적용’이 포함되었다. 2) 3가지 조건의 효과 범주의 공통 요인으로는 ‘내담자로서 경험한 치료적 효과’, ‘자기개방의 촉진’, ‘자기수용의 시작’, ‘자기개념의 변화’, ‘더욱 깊은 관계로 들어가기-현존’으로 나타났다. 3) 3가지 조건 적용의 어려움과 개선방안 범주에는 ‘내적 자각을 놓치고 있음’, ‘상담자가 가진 틀로 판단함’, ‘보조적 이론과 교육이 필요함’, ‘수퍼비전과 교육분석을 통한 개인적 성장’으로 나타났다. 결론 첫째, 진정성의 중요성이 강조 된다, 둘째, 인간중심상담 교육프로그램 개발에서 가장 중점을 두어야 할 부분에 대한 논의가 필요하다. 셋째, 상담자의 진정성을 키우고 개인적 성장을 촉진하기 위한 방안으로 마음챙김을 도입할 수 있다. Objectives This study was conducted to explore the practical application and difficulties of the three therapeutic conditions experienced by counselors with human-centered counseling as their main theories. Methods To this end, in-depth interviews were conducted on 8 counselors for about 4 month from December 2019 to March 2020. The in-depth interviews were condected for about 60minutes and analyzed using repeated comparative analysis methods. Results Data was collected through the methods, 62 concepts, 13 subcategories and 3 categories. The result was presented by Each category includes the application of three conditions, the effective of three conditions, the difficulty and the improvement plan of applying three conditions, 1) Common factors in the three categories of application of conditions included ‘observation of myself in a relationship’, ‘acceptance of being, not an act’, ‘access to deep surface emotions’, and ‘application of unconditional positive respect and empathic understanding with sincerity’. 2) Common factors in the three conditions effect categories were ‘the therapeutic effects experienced as a counsellor’, ‘promotion of self-openness’, ‘start of self-acceptance’, ‘change of self-concept’, and ‘existing’. 3) The three categories of difficulties in applying conditions and improvement measures were “missing internal awareness,” “judging by the framework of the counselor,” “requiring subsidiary theories and education,” and “personal growth through supervision and education analysis.” Conclusions First, the importance of sincerity is emphasised. Second, discussion need to be made on what should be most important in developing Person-Centered counseling education programs. Third, Mindfulness can be introduced as a way to foster the the authenticity of counselors and promote personal growth.

독일의 ‘에너지 전환(Energiewende)’ 정책과 연방-주정부간 협력과 갈등

주인석(In Suck Joo) 동아시아국제정치학회 2016 국제정치연구 Vol.19 No.2

This study aims at analysing cooperation and conflict between the federal government and state governments concerning German "energy transformation" policies. Germany has driven energy transformation policies beginning with Renewable Energy Sources Act in 2000, and then with "Energy Initiative" in 2010 and "Energy Law Package" in 2011. They decided to stop nuclear power plants completely by 2022 and set an objective to expand the proportion of electricity generation by renewable energy sources to the total electricity consumption up to 40-45% by 2025, 55-60% by 2035 and at least 80% by 2050. A consensus on changing energy policies between the federal government, Bundestag and state governments(or Bundesrat) has been formed, but the issues of cooperation and conflict have emerged between the federal government and state governments, and between state governments themselves concerning actual implementation of the changed policies. From the research on the relationship between federal and state governments regarding energy policies, several implications can be deduced. First, the central government needs to communicate and cooperate with local governments and people in promoting the given policies. Second, a systematic apparatus compelling the federal government to discuss and adjust policies directly affecting local interests has to be contrived. Third, when energy policies are concerned, each nation or region"s energy environment, developmental priority, energy production and consumption including electricity and energy consumption costs should be considered. As Korean political reforms ought to set a course for the reinforcement of decentralization and local autonomy, Germany"s "systematically imposing" governmental relationship mechanism to solve conflict between central and local governments needs be kept in mind.

정당의 분열과 통합

주인석(In Suck Joo) 21세기정치학회 2012 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.22 No.1

The Paper aims to analyze the structural causes of the formation and division of the Yeollin Uri Party('Our Open Party') and the Democratic Labor Party. the Analysis is focused on genetic characteristics and organizational change of both parties. The Uri Party with intra-parliamentary origin is characterized by the absence of a characteristics leader, inter-personal networks structure with a few party elites, and the uncertainty of ideological identity and policy line etc. The Democratic Labor Party has some problems concerning the structure and modus operandi, namely the strategical dilemma between a ‘logic of constituency representation’ and a ‘logic of party competition,’ the absence of a characteristic leader, and a conflictual structure with some factions etc. All genetic characteristics of both parties have a strong influence on the organizational structure and activities(or operations). The Uri Party as a inter-personal networks party with some factional leaders could not create the internal dynamics for organizational change, because of the unstability of party leadership and mistrust culture within the party. In contrast, the Democratic Labor Party has established a strong party leadership. But the party leadership has denied the adaptation to the changing internal and external circumstances. Furthermore, due to 'unintended effects' of some institutional provisions for intra-party democracy, the party could not create a competitive, flexible party structure. In sum, both parties have failed to overcome the genetic characteristics, which has hampered to establish a party structure with organizational continuity and political accountability. This failure of organizational change is likely to be regarded as a indirect, structural cause of the division of both parties.

아버지 사별 경험에 대한 자전적 내러티브 탐구

주인석(Inseok Joo),김명찬(Myeungchan Kim) 학습자중심교과교육학회 2023 학습자중심교과교육연구 Vol.23 No.20

목적 이 연구는 성인 시기에 갑작스러운 사고로 아버지를 사별한 경험과 그 이후 이어지는 지속비애의 영향과 의미가 무엇인지를 이해하고자 실시하였다. 방법 이를 위해 Clandinin과 Connelly의 내러티브 탐구 방법을 활용하였다. 연구자이자 연구 참여자인 나는 나의 경험적 의미를 탐색하고자 기억회상 및 자기 분석 일지, SNS 자료, 개인상담 기록, 가족과의 인터뷰를 통해 자료를 수집하고, 사별 후의 정서를 깊이 있게 드러내는 심층적 글쓰기로 연구의 타당성을 확보하고자 했다. 결과 연구 결과, 나와 동일시 하였던 아버지의 죽음은 곧 나의 죽음과도 같은 것이었고 이는 오랜 시간 해결하지 못한 고통스러운 감정을 마주하게 하였다. 그동안 억압해 놓았던 죽음에 대해 정서적 수준에서 재탐색하였고 그 과정에서 나는 슬픔과 고통이 주는 의미에 대해 성찰하며 자기치유적 경험을 하였다. 그에 따라, 더 이상 슬픔을 억압하지 않고 아버지 사별에 대한 슬픔을 있는 그대로 드러낼 수 있었다. 결론 결론 및 제언에서는 도출된 연구 결과를 바탕으로 사별 상담에 대한 상담자의 관점, 정서적 접근 방안 등 상담학적 함의와 과제를 기술하고 연구의 의의를 도출하였다. Objectives This study was conducted to understand the impact and meaning of the experience of bereavement of a father due to a sudden accident in adulthood and the prolonged grief that followed. Methods To this end, the narrative inquiry method of Clandinin and Connelly was used. As a researcher and re-search participant, I collected data through memory recall and self-analysis journals, SNS data, personal counsel-ing records, and interviews with family members to explore my experiential meaning, and through in-depth writ-ing that deeply reveals the emotions after bereavement. Results These are the attempt to validate the research. As for the research data, the death of my father, whom I identified with, was the same as my death, which made me face painful feelings that could not be resolved for a long time. I re-explored death, which I had suppressed, on an emotional level, and in the process, I reflected on the meaning of sadness and pain and had a self-healing experience. As a result, I was able to express the sadness of my father's bereavement as it is without suppressing my sadness any longer. Conclusions In the conclusion and recommendations, based on the research results, counseling solutions and tasks, such as counselors' opinions on bereavement counseling and the degree of acceptance and approach, are described and the significance of the research is addressed.

‘지방분권형’ 헌법 개정과 지방정치대표체 모델 연구

주인석(Joo, In-Suck) 한국지방정부학회 2017 지방정부연구 Vol.21 No.1

본 연구는 기존의 헌법 개정을 위한 시도들이 초점을 두었던 권력구조의 문제를 넘어 향후 헌법 개정의 방향과 원칙을 밝히고, 그러한 원칙에 부합하는 지방정치대표체 모델을 제시하고 있다. 본 연구에서는 ‘지방분권형’ 개헌의 필요성을 제기하고, 향후 헌법 개정의 기본원칙으로서 기본권의 보호 및 확대를 포함하는 시민민주주의, ‘합의를 제도적으로 가능하도록 하는’ 권력구조나 선거제도 등을 포함하는 합의제 민주주의, 지방분권과 지방정치대표체의 설치를 포함하는 지방민주주의를 기본방향으로 제시하였다. 지방분권형 개헌을 주장하는 대부분의 연구들은 지역대 표형 상원을 ‘국회 내’에 설치할 것을 주장한다. 본 연구는 독일의 연방상원 모델을 변용하여 지방정부와 지방의회의 대표단으로 구성되는 ‘국회 외부의 상원’을 제기하였다. 이러한 상원 모델은 현행 정치제도의 큰 틀을 유지하는 가운데 중앙-지방 및 지방-지방 간의 정치적･지역적 이해관계의 조정과 합의를 ‘제도적으로 강제’하는 효과를 기대할 수 있다. 합의제 민주주의와 지방민주주의의 원칙을 실현하는 제도적 장치로서 독일식 지역대표형 상원 모델에 대한 보다 깊은 관심과 연구가 필요하다. This study suggests some principles for the direction of any future constitutional revision beyond the power structure issues on which the existing attempts to revise the Constitution have been focused and proposes a regional political representative system model in accordance with such principles. Thus, this paper brings up the necessity of a constitutional revision for local decentralization and presents civic democracy including the protection and expansion of basic human rights as a fundamental principle for the future constitutional revision, consensus democracy embracing the power structure and election system that make it possible to reach an agreement systematically, and local democracy implementing local decentralization and regional representative system. Most researches advocating a constitutional revision for local decentralization argue that a regional representative upper chamber should be established in the National Assembly. Thus, this study proposes an upper house outside the legislature composed of the delegates of local governments and councils by revising the German Bundesrat model. This upper house model will have an effect on enforcing systematically coordinations and agreements of political and local interests between local and local governments as well as central and local governments. It is necessary to have more interest in and conduct further research on the German Bundesrat model as an institutional apparatus to realize the principles of consensus democracy and local democracy.

블레어(T. Blair) 정부의 전략적 정치커뮤니케이션

주인석(In-Suck Joo) 한국정치학회 2009 한국정치학회보 Vol.43 No.1

본 논문의 목적은 정부의 통치행위에 있어서 정부정보의 흐름을 관리함으로써 변화하는 미디어환경과 유권자시장에 적응ㆍ대응하려 했던 블레어정부의 전략적 커뮤니케이션을 분석하는 것이다. 블레어정부의 전략적 커뮤니케이션은 언론담당특별자문 혹은 스핀닥터들에 의한 뉴스관리전략으로 나타났다. 뉴스관리전략은 수상실에로의 정치커뮤니케이션 시스템을 집중화시키고 정부종합홍보실을 현대화함으로써, 정부정보의 흐름을 관리ㆍ통제하고 언론보도에 강경하게 대응하는 것이었다. 블레어정부의 집중화된 커뮤니케이션 시스템은 정부조직 내의 스핀 닥터들과 언론담당 공무원들과의 갈등, 좌ㆍ우 언론매체로부터의 공격으로 그 한계를 드러내었다. 그러나 현대 미디어민주주의 하에서 통치자의 개인적 권력이나 정부의 정책적 성공이 미디어의 보도행태에 의해 큰 영향을 받는다는 현실을 감안할 때, 스핀닥터들의 생산적인 미디어 관리에 대한 보다 구체적인 후속연구가 필요하다. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the strategic political communication of Blair's government which has tried to adapt to changes in the media environment and the electoral market by controlling the flow of government informations. The news management strategy of Special Advisors or spin doctors was an integral element of the New Labour's strategies and activities, in or out of government. In order to influence public opinion by controlling the news media agenda, the New Labour has changed the structures and processes of political communication since 1997. The government's communication has been centralized under the control of some Special Advisors, such as Alastair Campbell and Peter Mandelson. The government’s desire for centralized control of communications led to an increase in centralization and control of communications in Downing Street No. 10, an increasingly assertive approach to the news media, and a creeping politicization of the Government Information & Communication Service(GICS). During the second term of Blair’s government, the central planning and controlling of all communication activities has fostered a set of antagonistic relationship between government and the news media, and the tensions between Special Advisors and dozens of senior civil servants within government. But Special Advisors or spin doctors have become necessary to form and maintain representative governments in mass media democracy and they are an inevitable part of government communications. Therefore, it is necessary to further study the productive relationship between government and news media, and the roles of Special Advisors or spin doctors.