http://chineseinput.net/에서 pinyin(병음)방식으로 중국어를 변환할 수 있습니다.
변환된 중국어를 복사하여 사용하시면 됩니다.
조현범(Cho Hyeon Beam) 한국교회사연구소 2007 敎會史硏究 Vol.0 No.29
The Congregation of Propaganda Fidei in Rome established the Vicariate Apostolic of Korea in 1831. The Paris Foreign Missions Society was mandated for the mission of this newly established Vicariate Apostolic, and Bishop Bruguiere was appointed at its head As a result, French missionaries came to Korea secretly since 1836. Among them, three Vicars and nine missionaries were martyred in the persecution of 1839 and 1&36. After the opening port period the Church of Korea goes out of the Catacombs, and in the grace of the religious liberty it gains a marvelous harvest. In 1910, there were 73,527 Catholics in Korea. This was an increase of almost 60,000 in twenty years. Bishop Mutel, eighth Vicar Apostolic of Korea began to consider the necessity and the possibility for dividing the Vicariate Apostolic of Korea. We could take account of the catholic population's highly increasing drift, the favorable tendency in the political circumstances, and a precedent instance of the similar division in China, etc. as the inward and outward motivations. March 3 in 1910, Bishop Mutel wrote a letter to father Fleury, the superior of Paris headquarter, in which he proposed the division of the Vicariate of Korea. The superior and directors of Seminary in Paris approved the proposition of Bishop Mutel. But his second suggestion, that is, the three-parted division was rejected. In that case, Mute! accepted the amended project, two-parted division, but he persisted in his own idea about the demarcation of border line between two Vicariates. After the long-termed negotiation, the border line was drawn in Chungcheong province and Jeolla province. In 1911, the Holy See ordered that Church of Korea should be divided into two vicariates. About on third of the entire mission became the Vicariate Apostolic of Taikou. It comprised the four southern provinces of North and South Kyeonsang and North and South Jeolla The remainder of the old mission had a new name, the Vicariate Apostolic of Seoul. It comprised nine provinces: North and South Hamkyeong, North and South Pyeongan, Whanghai, Kyeongki, Kangwon and North and South Chungcheong.
조현범(CHO, Hyeon Beom) 한국교회사연구소 2015 敎會史硏究 Vol.0 No.47
This article would like to doubt about some prevailing opinions which explain the unsuccessful actions of Bishop Bruguière. The existing arguments tend to focus on the discord between Bishop Bruguière and Bishop Pires of the Diocese of Peking. As Bishop Pires did not want the establishment of the vicariate apostolic of Korea, he interrupted Bishop Bruguière’s journey to Korea by all means. That caused the pre-matured death of Bishop Bruguière, and consequently the critical situation of the vicariate apostolic of Korea. But Bishop Bruguière prudently delegated his authority to Father Maubant for performing his task in Korea. Although the plausibility of above assertions, we are still skeptical on the role of Father Maubant. He triggered some disputes among the Portuguese missionaries in China by the aggressive attitude and imprudent behavior. Therefore not only Bishop Pires in Peking but also the French missionaries in Macao protested about Father Maubant. Bishop Bruguière agreed them to some extents, because he also worried about the quality and conduct of Father Maubant. Additionally we could not find the definite evidences that proved the delegation of Bishop Bruguière to Father Maubant. Regretably some manuscripts indicated the opposite. Neither discovered the document of delegation, nor Father Maubant ever called himself a legal representative of Bishop Bruguière. So it must be reserved the argument that Father Maubant had a vicarious position and his entrance into Korea guaranteed the legal status of the vicariate apostolic of Korea. At the conclusion of this article, no one could deny that Bishop Bruguière devoted himself to the erection of the vicariate apostolic of Korea and its stabilization. But we wondered whether Father Maubant was a fair and impartial colleague or not. Because he had conflicted with the French and the Portuguese missionaries in China, and had made a decision to enter Korea on his own arbitrary judgement. So still remains an obscure shadow on the image of the bishop and his confidential follower.
조현범(Cho Hyeon Beom) 한국교회사연구소 2009 敎會史硏究 Vol.0 No.33
In 1908, Mgr. Gustave Charles Marie Mutel, bishop of Milo and Vicar Apostolic of Korea, visited the newly-established Benedictine mission house at St. Ottilien in Germany for help. He wanted to make them participate in supporting the development of korean catholic church. In spite of there being some difficulties, Abbot Norbert Weber agreed to send missionaries to Korea. The first group of Benedictines arrived in the capital Seoul in February 1909. After that, more than one hundred german Benedictine missionaries worked in colonial Korea and Manchouria. They especially took part in the education and intellectual activities. So some missionaries had deep concern at korean culture and published many articles and books about it. Nevertheless, until quite recently we could not find remarkable re¬searches. In this paper I sought to gather the references without omission, to put them in order systematically, through which substantial analysis and synthetic study could be produced some day. Basic data processing is a primary stage in the intellectual activities. After this principle, I regarded the accumulation of references concerning the Benedictine german missionaries' investigations of korean culture as my own task in this paper. Naturally the argument stayed at the level of showing how far the theme could extend. For the background understanding, was examined the nature of Benedictine monks and the history of missionary movement in Germany; the establishment of the Benedictine congregation of St. Ottilien, and the relationship between german catholic church in 19th century and Kulturkampf under the second empire. I suggested, through it, that the mentality of german missionaries who took an interest in the culture and tradition of non-christian world would be formed on the basis of a particular conceptualization of culture. And this comes about from the experience of conflict with modern nation-state. The interests of Benedictine missionaries about korean culture can be classified in five area; language, literature, art, folklore, religion. I collected their books published in Korea, Germany, Japan and some articles printed in various missionary periodicals; Katholichen Missionen, Missionsblaetter, etc. And then I explicated them with a brief introduction. Because this paper attaches importance to the full investigative operation of relevant materials. Lastly I presumed the reason why Benedictine missionaries watched korean culture with deep concern and went so far as to examine it academically. It signifies the paradigm shift in the frame of mission and culture.
조현범(CHO, Hyeon Beom) 한국교회사연구소 2012 敎會史硏究 Vol.0 No.40
The word of Catholic diocese is derived from the Latin ‘Dioecesis’ that indicated the administrative division in the Roman Empire. The immense territory of the Empire was divided in some ‘Dioeceses’ including proper numbers of ‘Provinciae’, where the vicars of Emperor were sent to administrate(διο?κησι?, dioik?sis) it. Catholic church accepted this vocabulary to use in the some 4th century, and the Roman Curia prescribed its ecclesial meaning in the Code of Canon Law, which began to signify the elementary unit of regional church governed by bishop since the 13th century. As a regional church, Catholic diocese has a human relational principle: the clergy(bishop, priest, deacon), the monk(the male and female religious), the laic and catechumen. We call it Catholic Hierarchy. In its etymology, hierarchy means an ‘Arkhein’ (in Greek, rule, command) on the basis of the principle of ‘Hieros’ (in Greek, the sacred) Evidently in the contemporary Catholic semantics the notion of Hierarchy is interpreted as not a ruling system but a instrument for christian unity, at the same time the clerical ministry refers to a pastoral service. Nevertheless many people regard Catholic Hierarchy as a symbol of authoritarian clericalism. If so, what is the significance of reviewing a certain regional church history in the light of hierarchic establishment? Of course, the more going back in time, the more important is the pastoral guideline of ecclesial authorities, e.g. bishop or vicar apostolic for understanding the religious situation at that time. Moreover the ecclesial system, such as a diocese or vicariate apostolic, is the core apparatus for regional church to connect with Roman Curia as the universal church. For those reasons, we could not but treat with remarkable consideration the institutional changes which have been taken place in the history of East Asian Catholic Church. Keeping that problematic in mind, we have set this paper’s goal to trace the historical sequence of the establishment of the Korean Catholic Hierarchy in the stream of universal church history. Accordingly was highlighted the fact that the problem of hierarchic change must be read in the context of East Asian Church. We insisted that in 1962 Korean Catholic Hierarchy was established from the result of this tendency. For proving this argument we demonstrated the Catholic hierarchic history since the 15th century: the conflicts around the Portuguese Patronate in the 16th and 17th centuries, the erection and development of Vicarate Apostolic as an alternative in the 18th and 19th centuries, a great challenge of new missionary policy in Roman Curia in the 20th century.
조현범(Cho, Hyeon-Beom) 한국교회사연구소 2021 敎會史硏究 Vol.- No.59
파리외방전교회 문서고, 로마 교황청 인류복음화성 문서고, 프랑스 르망교구 대신학교 도서관 등지에는 베르뇌 주교의 서한들이 보관되어 있다. 베르뇌 주교가 직접 쓴 친필 서한 원본도 있고, 이를 베껴 쓴 필사 서한도 있으며, 나중에 친필 혹은 필사 서한을 더 쉽게 읽을 수 있도록 타자기로 정서한 자료들도 있다. 본고는 베르뇌 주교가 통킹, 만주, 조선 등지에서 작성한 서한들이 현재 어느 정도 남아 있는지, 그 서한들이 사료로 편찬되어 오늘날 우리의 손에 전해지기까지 어떤 과정을 거쳤는지를 밝히고자 하였다. 그리고 베르뇌 주교 서한 자료들이 들어 있는 문서철이 어떤 성격을 지닌 것이며, 주목해서 바라보아야 할 점들은 무엇인지도 함께 조명하였다. 그리고 아직 발견되지 않은 자료가 있다면 앞으로 어떻게 해야 할 것인지도 살펴보았다. 한국교회사연구소 측으로부터 자료 협조를 받아 확인한 바에 따르면, 베르뇌 주교가 남긴 서한 자료는 총 287통에 달한다. 그중에서 조선대목구장에 임명되기 이전에 쓴 것은 149통이며, 조선대목구장으로서 쓴 것은 138통이다. 로마 교황청 포교성성에 보낸 서한 여섯 통을 제외한 나머지 서한들은 파리외방전교회 문서고에 원본 혹은 필사본이나 타자본으로 보관되어 있다. 한국교회사연구소 최석우 몬시뇰은 파리외방전교회 한국 지부장 마르셀 펠리스 신부와 협력하여 파리와 로마에서 베르뇌 주교 서한 자료들을 수집하였고, 그 가운데에서 조선대목구와 관련된 서한 130통만을 선별하여 1995년 판독 자료집으로 간행하였다. 그리고 2018년 다시 한국교회사연구소는 판독 자료집의 내용을 원문과 대조하여 오류를 바로잡고 대역 자료집으로 간행하였다. 베르뇌 주교의 서한 자료를 정리하고 번역하여 자료집으로 펴냄으로써 앞으로 1855년부터 1866년 사이의 조선 교회사를 연구하는 데 많은 도움을 줄 것으로 기대된다. 앞으로 프랑스 선교사들의 서한 자료를 편찬할 때 두 가지 점을 고려할 것을 제안한다. 첫째, 선교사 서한 자료에 대한 체계적인 이해가 필요하다. 조선대목구 관련 각 문서철은 누가 언제 묶었는지, 왜 그러한 일련번호를 붙였는지 등 아직 제대로 밝혀지지 않은 부분이 남아 있다. 선교사 서한 자료들을 국내로 반입하여 교회사 사료로 편찬하기 위해서는 이러한 의문들을 풀어야 할 것이다. 둘째, 선교사 서한 자료의 번역본이나 대역본을 만들고자 한다면 사료 편찬의 원칙이 있어야 한다. 본래 사료가 소장된 문서고에서는 나름의 기준으로 사료들을 분류하고 정리하여 문서철을 생성하기 때문에 그 문서철이 지닌 통합성과 완결성을 완전히 무시해서는 안 된다. 가급적 특정 문서철의 원형을 그대로 유지하면서 그 문서철의 성격과 분류 방식을 밝히고 또 그 속에 들어 있는 개별 서한 자료들을 하나도 빠뜨리지 않고 모두 판독하고 번역하여 자료집에 담는 것이 사료편찬의 기본 원칙이다. Bishop Berneux’s letters are stored in the Archives of the Paris Foreign Missionary Society, the Archives of the Vatican’s Congregation for the Evangelization of Humankind, and the Library of the Diocese of Le Mans in France. Some of the original letters were written by Bishop Berneux, some copies were handwritten letters, and others were handwritten or typewritten so that the letters could be read more easily later. This paper intends to reveal how many letters that Bishop Berneux wrote in Tonkin, Manchuria, and Korea remain today, and what process they went through before they were compiled as historical documents and passed down to our hands today. In addition, the characteristics of the archives in which Bishop Berneux’s letters are preserved, and the points to be paid attention to, are also highlighted. And if there are materials that have not yet been discovered, we looked at what to do in the future. The history of the compilation of the letters of Bishop Berneux is as follows. According to the Korean Church History Research Institute, there are totally the 287 letters left by Bishop Berneux. Among them, he wrote 149 letters before he was appointed to the Vicariate apostolic of Korea and 138 letters as the Vicar apostolic of Korea. Except for the six letters addressed to the Congregation for the Congregation for Evangelism in Rome, the remaining letters are kept in the Archives of the Paris Foreign Missionary Society in the forms of originals, manuscripts, or typefaces. Seok-Woo Choi, Monsignor of the Korean Church History Research Institute, in cooperation with Father Marcel Pélisse, the head of the Korean branch of the Paris Foreign Missionary Society collected historical records about Bishop Berneux in Paris and Rome. In 1995 they published a compilation of Bishop Berneux’s letters written in Korea. And in 2018, the Korean Church History Research Institute examined the contents of the former book with the original text, corrected the error, and published it as an new critical version. It would be of great help in the study of the history of the Korean church between 1855 and 1866. We propose to consider two points when compiling the documents of French missionaries’ letters in the future. First, it is necessary to have a comprehensive understanding of the archival system of European Catholic Church. Still remain some questions about the documents related to the Vicariate apostolic of Korea, such as who tied them when, and why they were given such serial numbers. Second, if one wants to make a translation or an critical version of missionary documents, he must have the principle of compiling historical records. The basic principle of historical compilation is to keep the original form of a specific file as much as possible, reveal the nature and classification method of the file, and include all the document without omitting any individual letter.
조현범(CHO, Hyeon Beom) 한국교회사연구소 2014 敎會史硏究 Vol.0 No.44
초대 조선 대목구장에 임명된 바르텔레미 브뤼기에르 주교는 끝내 자신의 임지에 부임하지 못하고 도중에 사망하고 말았다. 그 이유에 대해서 상세한 연구가 많이 이루어진 것은 아니다. 하지만 대체적으로 본다면 샤를르 달레가 자신의 저서에서 지적하였던 내용이 통설의 자리를 점하고 있다. 즉 당시 중국 교회의 교구 조직 전반을 관할하고 있던 포르투갈 선교사들이 브뤼기에르 주교의 조선 입국에 대해서 비협조적인 태도로 일관하였고, 이 일로 말미암아 브뤼기에르 주교는 대단히 어려운 여행을 할 수밖에 없었으며, 급기야 조선 입국을 목전에 두고 병사하는 사태가 벌어졌다는 평가가 일반적이라고 할 수 있다. 본고에서 주목하는 것은 브뤼기에르 주교와 포르투갈 선교사들 사이의 갈등에 관한 문제이다. 브뤼기에르 주교가 조선 대목구장에 임명될 당시에 조선 교회의 관할권을 가지고 있었던 사람은 남경 교구장 겸 북경교구장 서리 피레스 페레이라 주교였다. 많은 교회사 서술들을 살펴보면 브뤼기에르 주교와 피레스 주교 사이에 모종의 불안한 기류가 흐르고 있었음을 알 수 있다. 당시 중국과 인접 국가들에서 활동하던 포르투갈 선교사들은 교황청이 포르투갈 국왕에게 부여한 특별한 권한, 즉 선교상의 보호권(patronatus)에 충실한 인물들이었다. 그러므로 로마에서 조선 지역을 독립된 대목구로 선포하고 프랑스 선교사를 파견한 것에 대해서 포르투갈 선교사들이 내심 달가워하지 않았을 것은 분명한 사실이다. 하지만 1773년 글레멘스 14세 교황이 예수회를 해산한 뒤에 아시아지역의 선교지 상황은 대단히 복잡한 모습으로 전개되었다. 이 때문에 통킹, 샴, 중국 사천 등지에서 활동하던 파리 외방전교회, 북경의 북당을 중심으로 활동하다가 서만자로 근거지를 옮긴 프랑스 라자로회, 북경의 남당과 남경, 마카오 등지에서 활동하던 포르투갈 라자로회, 복건에서 활동하던 에스파냐 도미니코회, 산서에서 활동하던 이탈리아 프란치스코회 등 여러 선교 단체들 사이의 친소(親疎) 관계가 매우 복잡하게 얽혀 있었다고 하겠다. 심지어 동일한 선교회에 소속된 선교사들 사이에서도 알력과 갈등이 있었다. 이런 이유로 브뤼기에르 주교에 대한 포르투갈 선교사들의 태도를 단지 보호권 수호를 위한 방해 책동이라고만 보아서는 안 된다. The first Vicar Apostolic of Korea, Monseigneur Bruguiere travelled the mainland of China from 1832 to 1835. Despite being sick from exhaustion, heat and lack of food, he pressed forward with his plan to enter Korea. However, his plan was much complicated by the restriction placed on him by the Patronatus system. The Patronatus, an agreement between Portugal, Spain and the Holy See, meant that the administration of the local Church was to be delegated by the Pope to the respective kings. So Portuguese missionaries who worked in China never felt glad to hear the establishment of the Vicariate Apostolic of Korea independent from the Diocese of Pekin(1831). Unfortunately Mgr. Bruguiere died on October 20, 1835, in a Chinese Catholic village, Makiatze, on the doorstep of Korea. Fr. Charles Dallet, the author of the history of Korean Catholic Church(1874), attributed the cause of the death of Mgr. Bruguiere to the unfriendly attitude of Portuguese missionaries, especially Mgr. Pires Pereira, Bishop of Nankin and the administrator of Pekin. We would not disagree with the opinion of Fr. Dallet. But There were many complicated situations about the difficulties of Mgr. Bruguiere and also to the part of Portuguese missionaries they were engaged in the reasonable circumstances. From this point of view, we traced the missionary conditions after the abolition of the Society of Jesus in 1773. Many Catholic missionary congregations worked in China, e.g. the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris which worked in Tonkin, Siam, Sichuan ; the French and Portuguese Lazarists who lived in Pekin ; the Spanish Dominicans who worked in Fujian ; the Italian Franciscans in Shansi. They had very multiple layered and sometimes incompatible standpoints about the Korean mission. So we would insist that the confusion of the misunderstandings of Portuguese missionaries and the over excessive response of Mgr. Bruguiere resulted in his premature decease. But it was to be a crucial turning point to change the historical stream of the East Asian Catholic Church.
기획논문: 여행기를 통해 본 동서양의 교류와 소통 : 브뤼기에르 주교의 여행 기록에 나타난 샴과 중국
조현범 ( Hyeon Beom Cho ) 동국사학회 2010 동국사학 Vol.49 No.-
19세기 천주교 선교사는 자신에게 위임된 선교지역으로 떠나는 여행, 그리고 선교지역에 체류하면서 보거나 듣거나 겪었던 일 전체를 상세하게 묘사하면서 독특한 기록을 남겼다. 독특하다고 말한 이유는 여행의 최종적인 도달점이 본래의 자리로 귀환하는 것이 아니기 때문이다. 선교사들의 여행은 돌아오기 위한 것이 아니라 자신이 배속된 곳에서 살다가 죽으러 가는 여정이었다. 말하자면 선교사들은 영영 고향을 떠나는 자, 내지는 새로 주어진 고향에서 살기 위해서 떠나는 자였던 셈이다. 이런 이유로 선교사들의 여행기에는 유럽인의 시각에서 비유럽의 문화와 관습을 평가하는 내용도 들어 있으며, 후배 선교사들에게 도움을 줄 목적으로 수집한 상세한 선교지 정보들도 담겨 있었다. 또한 선교지역에 대한 무한한 애정을 표현하기도 한다. 천주교에 대한 탄압이 심한 곳으로 파송될 경우에는 비장한 감정이 서려 있기도 하다. 선교지역으로 떠난다는 것이 다시 돌아올 생각을 갖지 말아야 함을 의미할 뿐만 아니라, 선교지역으로 이동하는 과정 자체가 엄청난 모험이었기 때문이다. 초대 조선 대목구장이었던 바르텔레미 브뤼기에르 주교는 여러 가지 측면에서 주목할 만한 인물이다. 우선 최초로 로마 교황청이 조선 천주교의 대표자로 임명하여 파견하였다는 점에서 커다란 상징성을 지니고 있다. 또한 조선에 입국하여 선교활동을 벌이지는 못했지만, 여행 도중에 다양한 형태로 기록들을 남겨 놓았다. 다행히 대부분의 기록들이 현존한다. 최근에 들어서 이 기록들이 체계적으로 소개되고 있으며, 일부는 번역되어 있다. 이 글에서는 브뤼기에르 주교라는 인물을 연구 대상으로 하여, 그가 남긴 자료들을 통해서 당시 선교사들의 글쓰기가 지닌 특성이 어떠했는지를 탐색하였다. 먼저 브뤼기에르 주교 개인의 생애를 전반적으로 개괄하였으며, 그 다음에는 브뤼기에르 주교가 남긴 자료 두 가지를 검토하였다. 첫째 자료는 샴 왕국에서 3년 동안 근무한 뒤에 쓴 것으로 샴에 대한 전반적인 소개의 글이다. 둘째 자료는 샴을 떠나 페낭, 싱가포르, 마닐라, 마카오를 거쳐서 중국 남부의 복건 지방에서 만주까지 중국 대륙을 종단하는 과정을 담은 여행기이다. 두 가지 자료를 검토함으로써 19세기 선교사들의 자의식과 타자인식이 어떠했는지를 조망하고자 하였다. Catholic missionaries in the 19th century left some peculiar records containing the travel writings and so much descriptions about their experiences and observations in the missionary travel. Why are they peculiar? Because the final end of the missionary journey was not a returning to the original place, but a decisive arriving to the secondary homeland to which the missionaries ought to be assigned. As it were, the missionaries were regarded as a never return Odysseus. From these multi-layered features, we could find the euro-centric judgements to the non-european culture and customs in the Missionaries` travel writings, and also very detailed reports helpful for their newly appointed novices were included in it. Sometimes the missionaries expressed their infinite attachment to the missions. The first Vicar Apostolic of korean catholic church, Bishop Barthelemy Bruguiere(1792~1835) was a remarkable person in various viewpoints. He was nominated for the representative and governor of newly established korean catholic church by the Vatican Curia in 1831. And he, though failing to enter his mission, handed down much documents about his trip and negotiations with portuguese missionaries. Fortunately his records could be successfully conserved up to now. Recently these valuable manuscripts are systematically arranged, and some of which are translated. We would examine the feature of missionary writing through the case of Mgr. Bruguiere. The whole life of Bishop was described in the first chapter. And then two documents which he had made were analyzed; the one is a sort of ethnography relative of Siam Kingdom, the other is a chinese journey record. We would like to shed light on the self-consciousness and the otherness perception graved in the heart of the catholic european missionaries of the 19th century.
조선 후기 유학자들의 서학 인식: 종교/과학 구분론에 대한 재검토
조현범 ( Hyeon Beom Cho ) 한국사상사학회 2015 韓國思想史學 Vol.0 No.50
많은 논자들은 중국의 서학 관계 문헌들이 과학 방면의 서적들과 종교 방면의 서적들로 나뉜다고 전제하고 있다. 그래서 중국에서도 청나라 황실을 비롯하여 중국의 유학자들이 유럽의 과학과 기술을 소개하는 지식들은 수용하되 천주교라는 종교의 유입에 대해서는 금지하였다고 본다. 그 연장선 위에서 조선의 유학자들 역시 과학 지식은 받아들여 활용하되 종교적인 가르침은 배척하였다는 견해가 학계에서 널리 자리 잡고 있다.본고는 마테오 리치 등 중국 예수회 선교사들의 선교 활동과 서학관련 저술 활동이 어떤 패러다임에서 나온 것인지를 살펴보았다. 리치의 패러다임은 중세 스콜라 신학의 틀 속에 존재하는 것이었다. 따라서 예수회 선교사들의 의식 속에는 종교적 지식과 과학적 지식을 구분하는 논리가 들어 있지 않았다. 이것은 그들의 신학적 입장, 교육 내용, 중국에서의 선교 활동에 관한 기록 등을 통해서 확인할 수 있다.또한 조선에서 서학에서 대하여 유학자들이 어떤 반응을 보였고,이것을 종교/과학 구분론으로 설명할 수 있는지에 관해서 검토하였다.기존의 논의들은 대개 조선의 유학자들이 서학 서적 가운데에서 과학에 관한 내용들은 수용하되, 종교적인 가르침을 담은 내용은 배격하였다는 해석을 내리고 있다. 이에 본고에서는 조선 후기 유학자들의 인식을 잘 담고 있다고 판단되는 명물도수학과 위기지학의 용어법으로 새로운 해석을 시도하였다.조선 유학자들의 서학 인식을 종교 및 과학과 같은 근대적인 개념으로 설명하려는 노력을 극복하는 과정은 새로운 물음을 제기한다. 말하자면 ‘종교’나 ‘신앙’이라는 개념이 존재하지 않던 시기에 이승훈이 북경에 돌아와 이벽 등에게 세례를 주고 함께 모여서 천주교 교리를 학습하고 의례를 실천하는 모임을 개최한 1784년 사건을 어떤 개념으로 포착할 수 있을 것인가. 현재로서는 천주교라는 종교 공동체가 출현하게 된 과정을 설명할 수 있는 개념이나 논리를 갖고 있지 못하다.따라서 조선에서 천주교가 종교로서 존재하기 시작한 첫 지점을 탐구하는 문제는 앞으로의 과제가 될 것이다. Many contemporary scholars presupposed that the Western literature printed in the 17th and 18th China could be divided into scientific documents and religious ones. Therefore Chinese Confucian scholars including the Imperial Court were thought to assert the reception of the Western knowledge about science and technology. On the contrary, they were regarded to prohibit the prevalence of Western religion, i.e., Roman Catholicism. In the case of the late Choseon society we could find the same assumption: Korean Confucian scholars also would introduce the Western scientific knowledge but refuse the Western religious doctrine. The dichotomy of religion and science functions on the two academic interpretations of the relations between confucianscholars and Western learning. Was examined the paradigm which Jesuit missionaries’ activities and writings based on. Ricci paradigm was in the framework of medieval Scholastic theology. So there was not the logic of division of religious doctrine and scientific knowledge. We could draw it from their theological position, pedagogical formation and missionary activities in China. What about the problem of Choseon confucian scholars’ understanding of the Western literature? Whether their response to the Western Learning could be successfully explained or not? Actually was not found the very obvious evidence for the assertion that they accepted Western science and denied Western religion. Instead of that anachronic bias, their native terminologies are more preferable. For example, they regarded some favorable aspects of Western literature as a learning for the name of thing and the number(名物度數). In others, they found some dangerous or harmful constituents which were disagreed with the confucian cultivation of the mind(爲己之學).