歷史硏究에서 ‘文化’의 役割

鄭鉉栢(Chung Hyun Back) 역사교육연구회 1994 歷史敎育 Vol.56 No.-

특집 : "리바이어던"의 운명 - 서양 근대국가의 형성과 발전 ; 근대국가와 여성

정현백 ( Hyun Back Chung ) 한국서양사학회 2004 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.82

역사교육과 평화교육의 만남 : 서독의 사례를 중심으로

鄭鉉栢(Chung Hyun-Back) 역사교육연구회 2001 역사교육 Vol.80 No.-

As critical peace studies began at the end of 1960"s and peace movement became active in the 1980"s in Europe, the concern for peace education increased. Upon these impacts, the interests on peace were strengthened in historical research and history education. The early historical peace education in the 1960"s tried to teach peace under a moral-ethical perspective. It tried to teach peace heros instead of war heros, criticise the brutal anti-communism and accentuate the disarmament in history teaching. Also it insisted on overcoming nationalism and acquiring peace through international organizations such as UN. The second standpoint of historical peace education tried to mitigate the aggressiveness of human being with the help of social psychology, thus correcting the aggressive attitude and teaching the way of a rational conflict-resolution. It sought for more pragmatic methods through peace education in order to continue "existing without war". The third standpoint is from the theorists of history education, who are persuaded by Johan Galtung"s "positive peace" and whose prime spokesman is Anette Kuhn. Preferring the critical-communicative method, they insist that history education itself should art as a "space of resistance" open to debate for students to discuss their own goals of history education. According to Kuhn"s critical position, relief of structural violence should be primarily done, and for this she insists upon the importance of political-economical restructuring. In this context, the correction of the existing concept through historical peace education of peace and war is inevitable. However, in these days, some critics argue that the third position of historical peace education is too idealistic and too broad. Also those who argue that we should accentuate more concrete and more narrowing goals in historical peace education are gaining more approvals. For example the theorists of history education developed teaching plans on issues such as; the miseries of war, causes of the First War, the problem of military service boycott, the poverty in the Third World, the history of peace movement etc. Nowadays the efforts to adapt peace education to history teaching is not so popular in Germany, but the significance of such efforts are more pressing in Korea today.

일본 근대역사학의 형성과 서구 역사학의 영향 그리고 개화기 조선 : -트랜스내셔널 전이를 중심으로-

정현백(Hyun Back Chung) 한국사학사학회 2013 韓國史學史學報 Vol.0 No.27

이 글은 개화기 조선의 서양 관련 역사서나 교과서가 1) 서구중심주의적이며, 2) 일본의 서양사 해석이나 교과서를 모방하였다는 일반화된 전제에 의문을 제기하는 것에서 출발하였다. 이를 위해 메이지 시대 일본과 개화기 조선의 서양 관련 역사서 및 교과서를 분석하였다. 메이지시대 일본과 개화기 조선의 서양 관련 역사서나 교과서에서는 그 내용에서 유사성은 있으나, 차이도 드러났다. 우선 만국사의 형식으로 출간된 서양사에 대한 개설서들은 서로 유사한 형식이나 단원구성을 가지고 있었다. 그러나 내용에 있어서는 강조점이 달랐다. 서양역사서와 관련하여서도 양국 사이에서도 서로 출간의 동기나 주제선택, 그리고 강조점에 있어서 차이가 있었다. 출간동기와 관련하여서는 일본의 경우 기본적으로 문명계몽사상과 서구의 근대적 발전을 알리는 것이 그 핵심을 이루면서, 서구의 역사를 자기 방식으로 전유하였다. 조선의 경우에는 자주독립과 애국주의에 대한 강조가 두드러졌고, 이 과정에서 식민지의 역사나 성공적인 국민국가 건설의 사례 등에 대한 관심이 높았다. 또한 서양 역사서의 도입이 반드시 일본을 통로로 하여 진행된 것만은 아니었다. 중국을 통한 서양의 역사서 수입의 사례도 적지 않았고, 이 과정에서 양계초의 자유주의나 사회진화론이 조선사회에 끼친 영향력도 컸음을 알 수 있었다. 결론적으로 말하자면, 메이지시대 일본의 서구 역사서의 수입과 그것의 개화기 조선으로의 전달에서 두 국가 모두 서양의 역사서를 수입하면서도 달리 변용하고, 종국에는 각자의 현실적 요구에 따라 또 다른 방식으로 전유하는 과정을 거쳤음을 알 수 있었다. 이 과정에서 일본과는 확연히 다른 조선의 현실에서 생겨나는 개화기 지식인의 깊은 고민과 성찰을 읽을 수 있었다. This article raises a question to the generalized premise, that western history publications and textbook writings in Late-Chosŏn Dynasty were eurocentric and imitations of Japanese western history books concerning its contents and interpretations. To answer this question I tried to analyse the western history books and textbooks of Meiji-Japan and Late-Chosŏn Period. Between the western history books and textbooks of both countries there were some similarities and differences. First of all there were similarities in the forms and chapters of introductary books on world history. But in relation to the contents the focuses were different. In relation to books about western history the motivations of publication and the selection of subjects showed big differences. Japanese books tried to introduce the european enlightenment ideology and modern european development. In the case of Chosŏn, the accent on patriotism and national independence were distinct. Western history books in Chosŏn concentrated on the successful nation-state building in western countries and the history of colonization of non-european countries. The import of western history books to Chosŏn came not only through Japan. China was also a main route and especially in this process, liberalism and modern social evolution theory of Liang Qichao played an important role. As a conclusion, the import of western history in Meiji-Japan and its tranfer to Chosŏn showed that both countries accepted its contents differently, and appropriated it in their own way based on their own realities.

생존단위 혹은 연대의 공동체?: 19세기 독일의 노동자가족

정현백 ( Hyun Back Chung ) 한국서양사학회 2000 西洋史論 Vol.65 No.1

제국주의시대 독일의 학자가 바라본 동아시아 역사 -오토 프랑케의 『중국제국사』를 중심으로-

정현백 ( Hyun Back Chung ) 수선사학회 2014 史林 Vol.0 No.48

Otto Frank`s five-volume work 『History of the Chinese Empire』 is immense in content and provides invaluable fundamental resources in the history of China. Since the introduction of the first volume in 1930, the whole series was published as a complete series in 1952 after his death. The work provides us with a perspective of a western scholar who lived in the transition period toward the 20th century of East Asia. While Franke criticized Hegel or Ranke who did not include China in world history, he stressed China was part of world history by discovering the similarity between the western history and Chinese history. However, Franke put the state as the center of history awareness which was an influence of Ranke, and regarded the conflict between China and the western countries as the conflict between the universal state and the nation-state. At the same time, he treated Confucianism as the driving force for China to create the universal state. Franke pointed out Confucianism as a negative factor that could keep the empire but could stiffen the mental world at the same time. It is his understanding that China failed to develop as a modern nation-state because of that reason. There are two different evaluations on Franke. On the one hand, he attempted the first academic study on the Chinese history in Germany, and resisted the contemporary European`s perspective toward East Asia by relativizing the Euro-centrism and historicism. On the other hand, his works have been greatly influenced by historicism and experiences of Preussen. The excessive emphasis on the role of the state and assurance of the route of the western modernization are some evidence. Also, his history writing focused on the dense enumeration of facts, and overlooked more structural approaches toward the history of China. Criticism against him also includes that he did not yet reflect research results of Chinese historians yet. Nonetheless, Franke`s academic contribution to detailed description of the history of China and to a new interpretation at the time of ignorance toward East Asian history must be highly praised.

‘여성사 쓰기’에 대한 (재)성찰

鄭鉉栢(Chung Hyun-Back) 歷史敎育硏究會 2007 역사교육 Vol.102 No.-

Although research of women’s history have had big success in quantity and in institutionalization during last 30years in the western world, there have been critical voices that it is still positioned at the periphery of historical science. In order to overcome this weakness, it is necessary to develop the theory of women’s history and to discuss the theoretical confusions which women’s history research is now confronting. In this context, this article attempts to analyze the relationship of women’s history to gender, problems of ‘difference’ within women’s history, overcoming of eurocentrism in women’s history, and its relation to men’s history, and to explore alternatives. Specifically, this article suggests going beyond the strict separation of sex-gender system in the research of women’s history. Further, it suggests making visible the differences among women and historicizing gender in its own context. This article also cautions against the danger of universalistic approach by gender research. But in the process of historicizing the differences among women, the insistence on difference should not be reduced to ‘deconstruction’ as unlimited relativism would make the category of women meaningless and threaten the existence of feminist movement as a practice. Therefore this article suggests searching for the ‘transversal politics’, finding out differences and commonalities among women. In addition, this article criticizes the limitation that gender category can not elucidate the role of women subject properly, and takes notice of making of ‘gendered women subject’ in historical context. As this article suggests finding out the role of women as gendered subject, it mentions concretely several examples in western history; women’s great contributions to production and subsistence of economy, centered role of women in family, their active participation in resistance such as in bread riots, French Revolution and German Unification Process, and roles of women as offenders such as the Nazi women.

한국 근대역사학과 서구 역사이론의 전유

정현백 ( Hyun Back Chung ) 수선사학회 2011 史林 Vol.0 No.39

This research tries to analyse through the three aspects below on how western history theory was introduced during the formation of korean modern history since the end of 19 century and how it was appropriated: this research surveys first on how western history theory was introduced by the historians of western history, and secondly on how the historians of korean history accepted it, and finally on how the historians of korean history since the 1970s read the above korean modern history writings. The introduction of western history theory by the historians of western history was not done until the 1960s, by the reason of late development of western history researches in the korean academic world. And after the 1960s, it was done by the historians of western history who studied in Japan during the colonial period. Under such circumstances, without the help from historians of western history, the historians of korean modern history imported western history theory mainly from China and Japan, therefore it could be said that it is a retranslated history theory. In this process korean historians accepted western history theory selectively, and also did their own appropriation. In this sense it would be wrong to mention the influence of history of western history theory on korean historiography. The historians in the 1970s, who made efforts in overcoming the colonial historiography and in developing the modernity in korean historiography, interpreted the korean modern history writings into three categories, which is the Nationalist History, Positive History, and Social-economic History school. Such readings are our own appropriation of historical theory, but are problematic as well. Positive History School (실증사학) has the characteristic of reading the historical document strictly, but it could be said that such is the duty of every historian, and cannot be categorized independently as a historical school. In the same way, Nationalist History(민족주의사학) could be a tendency of historical writing in every country, and not itself a category of historical school. So we need new efforts to read korean modern historiograpy more deeply and go beyond the presented 3 categories. In this process of improving korean historical identities, we need to notice and make use of the transnational perspective more.

트랜스내셔널 히스토리의 가능성과 한계

鄭鉉栢(Chung Hyun-Back) 역사교육연구회 2008 역사교육 Vol.108 No.-

Transnational History is the new research trend which criticizes the nation-centered historiography and tries to analyze the historical process across the nations. It has received intellectual stimulations from the postcolonial history research and the increase of interests on world history and global history since the last 20 years. In Germany, where Transnational History research is relatively active in discussions, whereas the historical science had concentrated on historical structures before, it now shows big interests in relations, comparisons and transfers in historical process. Transnational history begins with criticizing several preconditions governing historical researches until now. It suggests to overcome eurocentrism, linear theory of historical stage and heterotemporality. These perspectives regarded industrialization, democratization and modernization as the implanting of civilizations from the center into the periphery and got lid of the mutual interactions and complex networks of both parts from the eyes of historians. Here, there would be no space for multiple modernities. Transnational history pointed out the incompleteness of national history. It takes 'Network' as the key concept and pays attentions to various relations across borders and beyond the nation state. In this context it insists that the relations of empires and colonies were not unilateral, but interactive. Therefore transnational history suggests that such relations should be comprehended as 'hybridization' rather than 'difference' and 'otherness'. Also transnational history proposes to make use of the concept 'space' more actively, and at the same time awakens us to regard the territoriality as a artificial formation. In spite of its criticism transnational history does not ignore the nation state in historical research, as the nation state still plays a important role in economy, social welfare, education, defence and so on. Rather transnational history tries to open new perspective and new methodology in historical science.

민족주의와 페미니즘

정현백(Chung Hyun-Back) 한국여성연구소 2001 페미니즘 연구 Vol.- No.1

왜 페미니스트들은 민족주의에 대해 심사숙고하는가? 왜 페미니스트들은 가부장적 이데올로기와 관행을 단지 강화할 뿐이라고 주장되는 민족주의로부터 거리를 유지하지 않는가? 이 질문에 대한 대답은 그리 간단치 않다. 우리는 민족주의가 지닌 엄청난 동원력을 도외시할 수 없고, 여성 대중은 어떤 방식으로든지 민족주의의 영향을 받지 않을 수 없기 때문이다. 또 민족국가의 발전 과정은 여성의 삶을 향상시키거나 악화시키는데 큰 영향력을 행사할 수 있다. 유럽 근대사에서 민족국가는 여성에게 법적인 권리를 거부하거나 민족공동체로부터 여성을 배제하는 것을 통해서 성차별적 속성을 여실히 드러내었다. 달리 말해서 선거권이 없는 여성들은 오로지 남성 시민과의 결혼을 통해서만 국민이 될 수 있었다. 그러나 제3세계 국가들에서 민족주의는 유럽에서보다 긍정적인 의미를 지닌다. 민족주의자들은 가부장제와 전승된 봉건적 관행 모두에 투쟁하여야 했다. 현존하는 사회 구조, 문화 그리고 종교 전통을 개혁하려는 노력 속에서 여성 해방을 위한 투쟁은 민족국가 형성을 위한 투쟁과 통합되었다. 그러나 민족주의의 담론속에서 어머니로서의 여성은 찬미된 반면, 동시에 그녀들의 활동은 주변화되었다. 이런 이율배반적인 관계에도 불구하고 제3세계에서 페미니즘은 민족주의 운동과 협력하거나 연대하였는데, 이는 제국주의 지배로부터의 해방과 근대화가 성차별 극복보다 더 중요하다고 생각하였기 때문이다. 결과적으로 민족주의 운동은 여성의 민족국가수립에 기여할 수 있었지만, 민족주의의 폐쇄성으로 인해, 가부장제는 해소되지 않았다. 민족주의에 대한 페미니즘의 관계는 복합적이고 다차원적이고 그리고 특수한역사적 맥락속에 있다. 그럼에도 불구하고 페미니즘의 민족주의에 대한 이해는 제1세계 여성의 시각에서만 해석되었다. 또 페미니즘 제2의 불결 이후로 제1세계와 제3세계 페미니스트 사이의 대화는 결여되었고, 후자가 처한 사회적ㆍ경제적 맥락에 대한 전자의 이해는 일천하였다. 그런 점에서 페미니즘과 민족주의의 관계에 대한 그간의 논쟁사를 반성적으로 성찰할 필요가 있다. 대다수의 제3세계 국가에서 여성은, 그들이 원하든 원치 않든 민족국가의 형성 과정에 참여했기 때문에, 어떠한 성찰적인 방식으로 민족주의를 활용할 것인가에 대한 적극적인 사고가 요청된다. 지구화의 거센 압력이 여성의 대다수를 주변 노동력으로 전락시키면서, 민족국가의 경계내에서 여성의 투쟁이 절실해졌다. 또 한국의 경우에는 분단이 여성의 삶을 더욱 황폐하게 만들고, 그래서 통일이 문제 해결을 위한 가장 중요한 과제로 대두되고 있기 때문에 여성은 민족주의가 배태한 가부장제를 적극 비판하면서도, 민족국가 형성에 적극적으로 개입할 필요가 있다. 결국은 ‘민족주의냐, 아니냐’보다는, 어떤 민족주의인가가 중요해졌다. Why do the feminists deliberated on nationalism which is bound to have a negative effect on their movement? Why die feminists not distance themselves from nationalism, which merely reinforces patriarchal ideology and plactices? nationalism has, and due to its powerful impact on the masses even women are bound to be influenced by nationalism in certain ways. Also, the desirable development of a nation plays an important role in improving the lives of women. But in the european modern history modern nation states demonstrated sexual discrimination by rejecting the legal rights of women, and excluding them national communities. In other words, women without voting rights could only belong to a nation through marriage with a male citizen. In Third World countries, nationalism had a more positive meaning than Europe. Nationalists had to combat traditional feudal practices as well as the patriarchal system. In trying to reform the existing social structure, culture and religious traditions, the struggle for the liberation of women became integrated with that of building the nation state. But in the discourse of nationalism, women as mothers were glorified, but at the same time, their activities became marginalized. In spite of the ambivalent relations mentioned above, feminism in the Third Wold had to cooperate or combine with the nationalist movement due to the fact that liberation from imperial rule and modernization was more important than overcoming sexual discrimination. Consequently the nationalist movements were able to markedly increase the living standards of women. However the patriarchal system was not completely eliminated, due to the closed nature of the nationalism. The relation of feminism to nationalism is multiplex, multidimensional and historically specific. since women participated in the formation of nation states and modernization throughout history whether or not they wanted, active thoughts concerning how to apply nationalism in a reflective way became necessary, especially in Korea, where the women are still suffering from the political division.