18세기 후반 이덕리의 국방관과 평안도 평지 성곽론 ―『상두지』를 중심으로―

정해은 ( Chung Hae-eun ) 한국실학학회 2020 한국실학연구 Vol.0 No.40

이 논문은 이덕리가 1793년에 유배지에서 펴낸 『상두지』의 저술 배경과 평안도 평지 성곽론을 검토한 글이다. 청이 망하지 않는 현실을 우려한 이덕리는 양근을 매개로 한 인적 교류 및 18세기 중·후반 무렵까지 논의된 무비책의 기반 위에서 『상두지』를 저술하였다. 이제신에서 비롯되는 북방 지역에 대한 관심과 경세학을 발전시켜온 소론의 학풍을 수용한 그는 평안도에서 서울에 이르는 평평한 직로에 성곽을 쌓자고 제안하였다. 청 사신이 묵는 숙소도 요고성 형태로 축조하여 비상시 성곽으로 활용하자고 주장하였다. 또 서울―의주의 연로에 지망을 설치하여 청 기병을 큰길로 유인한 뒤 대포로 성곽전을 전개하면 승산이 있다고 보았다. 그의 주장은 정약용을 만나면서 빛을 보았다. 정약용은 본인 저서들에서 『상두지』를 인용하고, 『비어고』에 대청 전략서의 하나로 『상두지』를 실어놓았다. This paper is a review of the background of the writing of Sangduji published by Lee Deok-ri in 1793 and the theory of the castle in Pyeongan-do. Lee Duk-ri conceived the theory of defense of Pyeongan-do as a way to prepare for the invasion of Qing Dynasty, fearing the reality that Qing Dynasty does not fail. Lee Duk-ri wrote Sangduji on the basis of human exchange through Yang-geun and defense measures discussed until the mid-18th century. Accepting Soron's academic style, which has developed interest and economics in the northern region of the present, he proposed to build a castle and store cannons in 45 openings located on the direct road from Pyeongan-do to Seoul. He also insisted that the residence where the Qing envoy stayed should be built in the form of Yogoseong and used as a castle in case of emergency. It was believed that there was a chance to build a castle around the castle and the castle in from Pyeongan-do to Seoul, attract the enemy to the main road, and then build a castle with a cannon installed in the fore. His arguments were illuminated when he met Jeong Yak-yong, who quoted Sangduji in his books and In Bieogo(備禦考), Sangduji was selected as a strategic book to prepare for the Qing Dynasty.

조선전기 어우동 사건에 대한 재검토

정해은(Chung Hae-Eun) 역사학연구소 2007 역사연구 Vol.- No.17

조선후기 西班 人事 규정집 『西銓政格受敎筵奏輯錄』의 검토

鄭海恩(Chung Hae-Eun) 한국학중앙연구원 2003 장서각 Vol.- No.10

"SeoJeonJeongGyukSuGyoYeonJuJibRok"(西銓政格受敎筵奏輯錄)(here after 『西銓政格』) is a law book concerning personal affairs of military officers written in 1844. The author of this book is anonymous but it is assumed that it was written by a deputy officer who worked in MooSunSa(武選司). The reason that this study focuses on 『西銓政格』 is because this book regulates the SuGyo(受敎) of the personal affairs of military officers in the first half of the 19th century - a time when there was not much law Book published. SuGyo(受敎) is a king's order that is passed on to each government office and acted as law of that time. When this book is viewed as one law system, it does not seem to be orderly. However, when this book is viewed as a material for history, it has high value because it reflects much the 'reality' of that time in which the book was written. 『西銓政格』 has as its basis on the 『JeonJuChanYo』(銓注纂要) written by a MooSunSa(武選司) deputy officer in 1809. It left out the superficial contents of the 『JeonJuChanYo』(銓注纂要) and summarized only the contents fit for it and was completed by adding any changed regulations or new contents. The time period dealt in this book is from 1649 to 1843. However, the time period of JungJo(正祖)(39.3%) and SunJo(純祖)(26.8%) takes up the highest percentage in the book. This book is composed of a total of 17 articles and 614 clauses. Of the clauses, clauses concerning offices in Seoul, offices in the provinces, and nomination into an office takes up 67.7%. 『西銓政格』, as seen in the title 『DaeJeonTongPyon』(大典通編), contains information concerning laws about the personal affairs of military officers. In other words, the fact that the MooSunSa(武選司) deputy officer compiled only the articles necessary for personal affairs distinguishes this book from other law books published. This means that 『西銓政格』 is not an all-round guide book but rather a book that focuses on one subject. Because of this, 『西銓政格』 has an unique characteristic that only it can have. On the other hand, when viewed in the social light, the fact that 『西銓政格』 deals with the personal affairs of military officers-a minority group in the Chosun Dynasty-is another point that this book should be seen with interest. Although the Chosun Dynasty was a society that centered around 'Yang Ban(兩班)', the literary group was foremost in both the political and social circle. In contrast, as the distinction got more systematic, the Military Officers was first a minority group and then in the bureaucratic society, was positioned as a outside group. In the midst of this, the fact that a law book concerning personal affairs of military officers was published in the first half f the 19th century, is enough to evaluate this book as a new inclination.

임진왜란기 대구 수령의 전쟁 대응과 사족의 전쟁 체험

정해은(Chung, Hae-Eun) 부산경남사학회 2016 역사와 경계 Vol.98 No.-

이 논문은 임진왜란기 대구의 수령과 지역 사족들이 일본군 침략에 어떤 방식으로 대처해나갔는지를 검토한 글이다. 대구는 1592년 4월 21일에 일본군이 쳐들어온 이후로 1593년 5월 15일 퇴각할 때까지 일본군의 후방 보급로이자 중간기지로 활용되었다. 일본군이 퇴각하자마자 명군이 팔거에 1년 정도 주둔하면서 대구는 경상도 중심지로 부각되었다. 따라서 임진왜란기 대구에 대한 이해는 일본군과 명군이 오래 주둔한 지역이라는 사실에서부터 시작해야 한다. 전쟁이 발발하자마자 대구 부사는 동화사로 들어가 관군을 지휘하면서 전쟁에 대처했다. 대구부 및 인근 지역의 전황을 상급자에게 수시로 보고하고, 주요 지역에 복병을 설치해 일본군에 타격을 입혔다. 또 의병 조직을 지원하고 屯田을 경영해 군량을 확보했다. 정유재란 때에는 도원수 권율과 관찰사 이용순이 공산성을 방어 거점지로 활용했으며, 사방에서 오는 군량들을 공산성에 비축했다가 경주 및 울산으로 이송했다. 사족들은 1592년 10월 무렵 적세가 치성해지자 다른 지역으로 피신했다가 1593년 5월에 일본군이 퇴각하자 귀향하기 시작했다. 사족들은 농사에 집중하고 인적 네트워크를 이용해 생존해나갔다. 또 명군 주둔 군영에 물건을 팔아서 식량을 해결한 점도 주목된다. 사족들은 전쟁 중에도 제사나 독서를 포기하지 않았다. 이것은 사족들의 변하지 않은 일상이면서도 지키고자 한 가치와 신념이었다. Examined in this article is how the suryeong(守令, local magistrate) and Sajok figures of the Daegu area responded to the Japanese invasion in the 1590s. Daegu was first invaded in April 21st, 1592, and until they retreated on May 15th, 1593, the area was forced to serve as the Japanese troops’ homefront supply base and a middle stopover. As soon as the Japanese soldiers retreated, the Ming army entered the region and stayed at Palgeo for a year, and Daegu became the central strategic point of the Gyeongsang-do provincial area. Future studies of the Daegu area in the Imjin Wae’ran period should keep in mind that the region was inhabited by both Japanese and Ming troop for a rather extended period of time. As soon as the war broke out, the Daegu suryeong established a basecamp in the Dong’hwa-sa monastery, where he monitored battle situations and issued orders to Joseon troops. He reported the situation of the Daegu-bu area and that of the adjacent regions to his superiors on a regular basis, and deployed continuous ambushes to strike the Japanese troops. He also provided support for the Righteous militias, and ordered cultivation of garrison farms to secure necessary grains. When the war resumed after a brief respite of negotiation, and the so-called Jeong-yu Jae’ran began, Supreme Commander(Do-Weonsu) Gweon Yul and Gwanchal-sa magistrate Yi Yong-sun decided to use the Gongsan-seong(公山城) fortress as a critical defense post, which also served later as a relay post of grains, collected from other regions to be sent to Gyeongju and Ulsan areas. Fearing the imminent invasion of the Japanese troops, in October 1592 the Sajok figures left Daegu, sought refuge in other areas, and returned in May 1593, after the Japanese troops withdrew. They concentrated in agricultural production and relied upon human resources to survive. They also sold commodities to the Ming soldiers and bought food they needed. They did not give up their studies and maintained their custom of holding memorial services, even during wartime. That was what they were determined to uphold and preserve even in dire situations, their values, their conviction and their lifestyle.

총론 : 고려ㆍ조선시대 법운용의 실제와 『대명률』

정해은(Chung Hae-eun),박경(Park Gyeong),이정란(Lee Jung-ran) 한국역사연구회 2010 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.75

숙종 초기 평안도의 변장 증설과 방어 체제의 변화

정해은(Chung, Hae-eun) 한국사학회 2015 史學硏究 Vol.- No.120

이 논고는 숙종 재위 초기에 평안도에 증설한 변장과 평안도의 방어체제가 어떤 연관을 맺고 있는지를 살펴본 글이다. 숙종 재위 초기에 새로 정비된 평안도 진보는 이미 둔전을 경영했던 내지의 옛 진보를 활용하였다. 그 위치는 창성과 삭주를 중심으로 구성․태천․운산․영변으로 이르는 경로를 방어하기에 유리한 지점이었다. 그리고 이 내지를 외곽에서 중층적으로 지원하기 위해 이산ㆍ벽동ㆍ위원ㆍ만포 등에서 서울로 빠르게 진격할 수 있는 지역에 진을 설치해 중첩적인 방어망을 구축하였다. 이렇게 새로 설치하거나 승격시킨 첨사나 만호의 진보는 1678년(숙종 4) 좌우영장제를 실시할 수 있는 토대가 되었다. 좌우영장제는 기왕에 내지의 산성으로 깊숙이 물러나와 북쪽의 적침을 방어하는 방식에서 탈피해 강변 일대를 최전방으로 삼아 고수하는 전략으로서 기왕의 방어 전략에 비해 과감한 측면이 있었다. 최전방을 지켜내기 위해 창성과 삭주ㆍ강계ㆍ만포의 주변과 배후에 진보를 설치한 후 변장을 두어 관방을 강화시킨 조치였다. 강변의 배후에 설치한 이 진보들은 입보처의 역할에 그치지 않고, 최전방을 지원하는 중층 방어망의 역할을 했다. 이 점은 숙종이 ‘삼번의 난’으로 청이 위기를 직면했을 때에 조선의 자강을 이루려는 적극적인 조치로 파악할 수 있다. Examined in this article is the relationship between increased border patrol officers(邊將) serving in the Pyeong’an-do region during the early days of king Sukjong’s reign, and the general defense structure established in the region. The Pyeong’an-do province’s defensive installations were upgraded in the early days of Sukjong’s reign, but at the same time were based upon the existing systems where garrison farms had been established. They were close to areas like Changseong and Sakju, which were adequate places to support the overall efforts to secure and guard the pathway to Guseong, Taecheon, Unsan and Yeongbyeon. Also, in order to provide a multi-layered cover for this region, defense posts were stationed along important spots, which closely connected areas like Yisan, Byeokdong, Wiweon and Manpo to the central capital. All these newly established or upgraded facilities(including those manned by Myriarchy figures) became the foundation for the Left and Right Command structure(左右營將制), that was deployed in 1678. The Left and Right Command system was conceived as a defense strategy to protect the river side, and was a dare one compared to previous efforts. In order to protect the front line, patrol officers were stationed in defense points in the vicinity of Changseong and Sakju, Gang’gye and Manpo. These defense points deployed in the rear side of the river line did not only serve as the second line of defense(入堡處), but with the frontline served as part of a dual-layered defense line. Apparently king Sukjong, monitoring that the Qing dynasty was disrupted by the Oh Sam-gye insurrection, wanted to restructure the Joseon defense posture.

2015 개정 중·고등학교 한국사 교과서의 조선시대 여성사 서술 분석

鄭海恩(Chung, Hae-Eun) 역사교육연구회 2021 역사교육 Vol.160 No.-

This paper presents an analysis of content in the descriptions of women’s history throughout Joseon in 16 Korean History textbooks for secondary school under the Revised Curriculum of 2015. The Korean History textbooks under the Revised Curriculum of 2015 are characterized by an emphasis on premodern history in the middle school textbooks and the increased proportion of modern and present history to 3/4 in the high school textbooks. As a result, the former had the descriptions of women appear first in the history of Joseon, whereas the latter saw a considerable reduction of women’s descriptions. Reflecting the new curriculum, the middle school textbooks focused on family-related content just like the old high school textbooks but presented a new viewpoint at a detailed level. They, for instance, stated a fact that second sons and sons younger than them were also discriminated in the inheritance of property, described by the latest research findings that women found their identity as a daughter-in-law with their weaker right as a daughter in some cases during the latter part of Joseon, and recorded that women enjoyed an active literacy life with Hangul by introducing Eumsikdimibang by Jang Gye-hyang for the first time. These textbooks, however, still omitted women’s roles in the fields of labor and economy and introduced no female characters. The content of a textbook is not the sole responsibility of its writer. The Ministry of Education should add a “gender” provision to its guidelines of textbook compilation to increase the percentage of women’s history in Korean History textbooks.

임진왜란기 약포 정탁의 군사 활동과 전쟁기록

정해은(Chung Hae Eun) 순천향대학교 이순신연구소 2014 이순신연구논총 Vol.- No.22

이 글은 정탁이 임진왜란기에 펼친 군사 활동을 종합적으로 살펴본 것이다. 정탁은 조선의 자강과 결전(決戰)을 강조하면서 조선 정부가 적극적으로 일본군 격퇴에 나서야 한다고 주장하였다. 임진왜란기 정탁의 활약 중에서 두드러진 부분은 분조(分朝)의 참여다. 정탁은 분조에 처음부터 끝까지 참여해 왕세자의 스승이자 조언자로서 군무를 수행하면서 일본군을 몰아내기 위해 고군분투했다. 정탁은 전쟁을 함께 헤쳐 나갈 무장을 천거하고 발탁하는 일에 적극적이었다. 정탁이 무장의 발굴과 천거에 진력한 것은 조선의 자강이 이들로부터 나온다고 믿었기 때문이다. 그래서 정탁은 무장들이 위기에 처할 때면 적극 나서서 변호했다. 대표적으로 1597년 2월 충무공 이순신이 부산 왜영(倭營) 소화(消火) 사건이 빌미가 되어 투옥되자 구명 활동을 적극 펼친 점을 꼽을 수 있다. 또 정탁은 새로운 전법을 담은 『기효신서절요(紀效新書節要)』의 서문을 썼는데, 정탁이 전쟁 중 새로운 전법 수용에 적극적인 태도를 견지했음을 알 수 있다. 무엇보다도 정탁은 본인의 경험을 각종 기록으로 남겨 후손들에게 임진왜란을 잊지 않게 했으며, 전쟁을 이겨낸 주체는 조선 사람들이었음을 강조하였다. This paper examines Jeong Tak’s overall military involvement during the Imjin War. Jeong Tak claimed that the Joseon government should aggressively drive out the Japanese force, stressing the idea of Joseon’s jagang (self-empowerment) and the necessity of a decisive battle. One of his most notable exploits was his involvement in bunjo(the provisional royal court of Joseon established during the Imjin War). He participated in bunjo government from start to finish, assisting the crown prince as his teacher and advisor, and struggled to repel the Japanese force. He was committed to find and recommend military commanders to fight together through the war because he believed that Joseon’s self-empowerment come from them. Consequently, Jeong Tak actively defended military officers whenever they were in precarious situations. One representative example of this was the campaign to save Admiral Yi Sun-sin’s life after Yi was imprisoned in February 1597 for the fire incident at the Japanese naval base at Busan. The preface by Jeongtak to Gihyosinseojeolyo, an abridged version of a treatise on new military tactics, reveals that Jeong Tak maintained an enthusiastic attitude towards adopting new military tactics during wartime. Most of all, Jeong Tak recorded his experiences in writings, preserving the memory of the war for future generations. He also stressed that it was primarily the people of Joseon who won the war.

임진왜란기 경기 의병의 활동양상과 특징

정해은(Chung, Hae-Eun) 한국사학회 2012 史學硏究 Vol.- No.105

이 논문은 임진왜란기 경기 의병에 대한 기초적인 검토로서 경기의병의 특징과 양상을 살펴보았다. 임진왜란초기 경기는 37개 읍 가운데 강화?교동을 제외한 35개 읍이 피해를 입었다. 이는 임진왜란초기 피해가 컸던 영남보다도 나쁜 상황으로 경기가 일본군의 북상로와 퇴각로에 놓여 있었기 때문이다. 각종 자료에 나타난 경기 의병장의 이름은 16명 정도에 불과하나, 필자가 주목한 사항은 병마절도사나 수령과 같은 지휘관 휘하에 들어가 활약한 이름없는 의병의 활약이다. 경기에서 이러한 현상이 두드러진 것은 의병장의 부재와 함께 경기에 근왕과 도성회복을 위해 각지에서 모여든 군 지휘관들이 집결해있었기 때문이다. 무엇보다도 경기 의병의 특징은 1593년 1월 평양성 전투 이후 官軍과 연계하면서 활동이 두드러졌다는 점에 있다. 이 점은 더 밝혀져야 할 부분으로, 당시 경기의 관군이나 의병에게 도성회복이 중요한 당면 과제로 떠오르면서 의병과 관군의 연계가 긴밀해졌다고 생각한다. 이 무렵 영남에서 의병장이 관료가 되고 의병이 明軍의 支待를 위한 수송군으로 격하되면서 의병 활동이 쇠퇴하지만 경기에서는 오히려 의병이 관군과 연합하면서 활동이 더 살아나는 양상을 보였다고 판단된다. 이 점이 경기 의병의 특징이자 임진왜란 의병사에서 차지하는 특별한 위치라고 할 수 있다. This article is a result of a preliminary examination of the actions of the righteous militia units, which originated in the Gyeong’gi region(京畿) during the war with the Japanese in the 1590s. Primary aspects of the righteous militia movements in this particular region, and their own characteristics, are discussed in details. In the early stages of the 1590s’ war, total of 35 counties out of 37 in the Gyeong’gi region, with the exception of Gang’hwa(江華) and Gyo"dong(喬桐), sustained heavy damages by the Japanese troops. The situation was even worse than the Yeongnam region(嶺南), which was the first to fall victim to the invading Japanese troops. Gyeong’gi was located in the path of the Japanese troops which was moving North, and also the path of their retreat, so that might have been the reason for such extensive damages. There are only 16 people who are confirmed by records to have been part of the Gyeong’gi region’s righteous militia, yet there were other people who were equally important as well, such as the nameless militia soldiers who fought the Japanese soldiers, under the command of local prefects or military commanders. Militia soldiers serving under governmental officials was one of the characteristics of the Gyeong’gi righteous militia movement, and it was because there was no militia leader left, and governmental commanders from various regions of the peninsula were already in the region to launch an offensive designed to guard the king and retake the capital. Since the battle of the Pyeong’yang-seong(平壤城) fortress that occurred in January 1593, the Gyeong’gi righteous militias actively coordinated their efforts with governmental troops. This aspect deserves further attention and examination, as it seems that retaking the capital became a mutual objective and even a unifying bond for both the Gyeong’gi region’s official troops and righteous militia members. In the Yeongnam region, righteous militia leaders became governmental officials, and the righteous militia soldiers’ role was reduced to delivering supplies to the Chinese Ming troops, so their overall activities eventually diminished. Yet in the Gyeong’gi region, the activities of the righteous militias were literally ‘re-energized’, with their cooperation with the governmental troops.

조선후기 무과방목에 나타난 급제자의 전력 기재 양상

정해은 ( Hae Eun Chung ) 한국고문서학회 2005 古文書硏究 Vol.27 No.-