RISS 학술연구정보서비스

검색
다국어 입력

http://chineseinput.net/에서 pinyin(병음)방식으로 중국어를 변환할 수 있습니다.

변환된 중국어를 복사하여 사용하시면 됩니다.

예시)
  • 中文 을 입력하시려면 zhongwen을 입력하시고 space를누르시면됩니다.
  • 北京 을 입력하시려면 beijing을 입력하시고 space를 누르시면 됩니다.
닫기
    인기검색어 순위 펼치기

    RISS 인기검색어

      검색결과 좁혀 보기

      선택해제
      • 좁혀본 항목 보기순서

        • 원문유무
        • 원문제공처
          펼치기
        • 등재정보
          펼치기
        • 학술지명
          펼치기
        • 주제분류
          펼치기
        • 발행연도
          펼치기
        • 작성언어
        • 저자
          펼치기

      오늘 본 자료

      • 오늘 본 자료가 없습니다.
      더보기
      • 무료
      • 기관 내 무료
      • 유료
      • Light-stimulated anti-cancer drug vehicle activates in hypoxic tumor microenvironments

        정하윤,박우람,배병찬,나건 한국공업화학회 2019 한국공업화학회 연구논문 초록집 Vol.2019 No.1

        Many studies have been reported on light-stimulated drug delivery for cancer treatment. However, the photo-stimulated drug delivery present low medicinal efficacy for cancer treatment and unintended side effects. In this study, we developed light-stimulated drug vehicle (LDV) activates in hypoxic tumor microenvironment and light exposure. The LDV contained an anti-cancer drug and organized by reactive oxygen species (ROS)-mediated degradation of photosensitizer conjuagated in polysaccharides. In hypoxic condition, ROS was produced by the electron abundant polysaccharide chains. The ROS generated by LDV facilitated drug release at hypoxic condition in laser irradiation. An anti-cancer drug loaded LDV showed toxicity in cancer cell line under hypoxia than that normal oxygen condition. In vivo and ex vivo experiments demonstrated that LDV accumulated in the tumor site. Thus, this study could be efficient methods for cancer therapeutics and hypoxic conditional diseases.

      • KCI등재

        Descriptions of the Cultural Revolution in Early 1990s Chinese Film and Painting

        정하윤 현대미술사학회 2015 현대미술사연구 Vol.0 No.37

        This study examines how the Cultural Revolution was depicted in early 1990s Mainland China by analyzing three films and two painting series, which are Chen Kaige’s Farewell My Concubine, Tian Zhuangzhuang’s The Blue Kite , Zhang Yimou’s To Live, Wang Guangyi’s Great Criticism Series, and Zhang Xiaogang’s The Bloodline: Big Family series. These works were born against the backdrop of the national rumination on Mao, called MaoCraze. On the one hand, it is noticeable that all these works still maintain a bottom line: they do not attack Mao Zedong personally. This handsomely dovetails with Deng’s early official judgment on the Cultural Revolution and on Mao, as well as the national fondness for Mao of the early 1990s.On the other hand, each director and artist showed different approaches towards the Cultural Revolution. To divide them roughly, three directors described the negative sides of the Cultural Revolution more vividly and strongly than the two artists. Such diversity is an indicator that the PRC had opened a new era, where individual voices were becoming quietly audible. Yet, at the same time, the Party’s prohibition on showing the five works in Mainland China indicates that the government’s control over the arts was still firm and that the Cultural Revolution remained a sensitive issue. This study examines how the Cultural Revolution was depicted in early 1990s Mainland China by analyzing three films and two painting series, which are Chen Kaige’s Farewell My Concubine, Tian Zhuangzhuang’s The Blue Kite, Zhang Yimou’s To Live, Wang Guangyi’s Great Criticism Series, and Zhang Xiaogang’s The Bloodline: Big Family series. These works were born against the backdrop of the national rumination on Mao, called MaoCraze. On the one hand, it is noticeable that all these works still maintain a bottom line: they do not attack Mao Zedong personally. This handsomely dovetails with Deng’s early official judgment on the Cultural Revolution and on Mao, as well as the national fondness for Mao of the early 1990s.On the other hand, each director and artist showed different approaches towards the Cultural Revolution. To divide them roughly, three directors described the negative sides of the Cultural Revolution more vividly and strongly than the two artists. Such diversity is an indicator that the PRC had opened a new era, where individual voices were becoming quietly audible. Yet, at the same time, the Party’s prohibition on showing the five works in Mainland China indicates that the government’s control over the arts was still firm and that the Cultural Revolution remained a sensitive issue.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        요양병원 간호사의 병원감염관리에 대한 인지도와 수행도

        정하윤,정윤경 보건의료산업학회 2013 보건의료산업학회지 Vol.7 No.4

        The purpose of this study was to investigate the long-term care hospital nurse's recognition and performance level of hospital infection control. The subjects of the study were 147 long-term care hospital nurses. The period of data collection was from April 1 to 30, 2013. The data were analyzed by SPSS 19.0 program. The result are as followed; First, the total average scores of the recognition and performance by long-term care hospital nurses of hospital infection control were 4.64±0.32 and 4.21±0.23. Second, recognition of hospital infection control was significantly different according to position and hospital infection control education experience. Performance of hospital infection control was significantly different according to education level and hospital infection control education experience. Third, there was a positive correlation between the degree of recognition and performance of hospital infection control. Therefore, it is suggested to apply the concrete education program to enhance the recognition in order to improve the performance of hospital infection control of the Long-term hospital nurses.

      • KCI등재

        경험표집법을 이용한 결손가정 청소년의 여가경험에 관한 연구 : 결손가정과 정상가정 청소년의 비교를 중심으로

        정하윤,전병길 대한관광경영학회 2010 觀光硏究 Vol.24 No.6

        본 연구에서는 결손가정 청소년의 여가경험을 심층적으로 탐색하여 이들의 여가생활을 이해하고 평가하며, 나아가 평가결과를 토대로 결손가정 청소년의 여가생활의 질을 높일 수 있는 정책 방향을 제안하고자 하였다. 경험표집법이 사용되었으며, 경험표집방법의 측정도구인 ‘경험표집양식’은 응답자들의 외적 여가구조와 내적 여가경험을 묻는 질문들로 구성되었다. 외적 여가구조의 질문에는 여가장소, 여가활동, 동반자를 포함하였으며, 정서적 경험(긍정적 감정, 부정적 감정)과 인지적 요소(집중, 도전, 기술, 만족) 등의 질문을 통해 내적 여가경험을 파악하고자 하였다. 전문계 고등학교 3학년에 재학 중인 결손가정의 학생 19명과 정상가정의 학생 27명 등 총 46명을 대상으로 일주일간 조사가 이루어졌다. 연구결과 다음과 같은 결론을 얻었다. 첫째, 결손가정의 청소년은 대부분 소극적인 여가활동을 즐기는 경향이 많았다. 둘째, 결손가정의 청소년은 여가활동 중 정상가정 학생들에 비하여 긍정적인 감정은 적게 경험한 반면에 부정적인 감정은 다소 많이 경험하고 있었다. 또한 정상가정 학생들에 비해 결손가정 청소년들은 여가생활에서 낮은 수준의 집중 · 도전 · 기술 · 만족을 경험하는 것으로 밝혀졌다. 셋째, 결손가정 학생들은 친구집 및 공공장소 등 집밖에서 친구들과 적극적인 여가활동을 할 때 가장 긍정적인 감정이 강했고, 높은 집중 · 도전 · 기술 · 만족 수준을 경험하였다. 반면에 행동이 다소 부자유스러울 수 있는 집, 학교 · 학원, 아르바이트장소에서의 소극적 여가활동 시 긍정적인 감정과 만족감이 다소 낮아지는 것으로 나타났다. This study aims to suggest the direction of policy enabling to enhance the quality of leisure life of the broken home juveniles based on the results of researching the leisure experience of the broken home juveniles deeply, understanding and assessing their leisure life. ‘Experience Sampling Method’ is employed. ‘Experience Sampling Form’ the measuring instrument of ‘Experience Sampling Method’ is consisted of questions of outer leisure structure and inner leisure experience of respondents. The questions related to outer leisure structure includes leisure place, leisure activity, and companions and the inner leisure experience is grasped through the questions related to emotional experience (positive and negative emotion), and cognition factors (concentration, challenge, skill, satisfaction). The survey is questioned to 19 students of broken homes and 27 students of normal homes enrolling in the vocational high school as the 3rd year, in total 46 for one week and the findings are as follows: Firstly, most of juveniles in the broken home enjoyed in passive attitude. Secondly, the juveniles in the broken home felt weak in the positive emotion than that of juveniles in normal home whereas the negative emotion of the juveniles in broken home was somewhat stronger than. The juveniles in broken home were discovered to experience lower level of concentration, challenge, and satisfaction in the leisure life than those of the juveniles in normal home. Thirdly, the juveniles of broken home showed the most positive emotion and experienced the highest level of concentration, challenge, and satisfaction in the leisure life when they enjoyed at friend’s home or public place with their friend. Whereas, at the place of own home, school, academic institute, part-time job, where may compel the forced style, their positive emotion showed the lowest level.

      • 제 20대 총선과 정책선거 평가

        정하윤 한국지방정치학회 2016 한국지방정치학회보 Vol.6 No.2

        In the 20th General Election, it is considered that there was no policy competition among political parties or candidates and no policy-oriented voting among voters. This article analyzed policy-oriented election based on the activities of core actors in the 20th General Election. In the election process, political parties made public commitments in the area of economy, welfare, security and so on, but there was almost no distinction among parties or candidates and lack of consistency with party lines. Mass media and civic organizations both have analyzed and evaluated commitments of parties, developed Manifesto campaign and so on, but their activities resulted in ineffective. The activities of National Election Commission have limitations in terms of the uni-directional, normative public relations. Although voters recognized the importance of policy-oriented voting, they did not decide their votes based on the policies. As a results, it is not easy to demonstrate that the policy-oriented election and voting have realized in the 20th General Election. 2016년 제 20대 총선은 정책, 이슈, 인물이 실종된 선거라는 평가가 대부분이다. 이 글에서는 20대 총선에서 정책선거 여부를 선거과정에 참여하는 주체들의 활동과 정책내용을 근거로 평가하였다. 정책선거가 이루어지기 위해서는 정당 및 후보자의 정책공약이 정당 간 차별성을 지니고, 정당강령과는 일관성을 보여야 한다. 20대 총선에 참여한 정당들의 정책방향, 우선순위, 실행방안에서는 차별성을 나타냈지만, 새누리당과 더민주당의 정책공약은 정당강령과 일관성을 보이지 않았다. 후보자 공약의 경우, 소속 정당의 정책기조나 강령과 후보자 공약이 반대 방향으로 나타난 경우, 서로 다른 정당 후보자들 공약 간 유사성이 나타난 경우가 다수 존재하였는데, 특히 산업, 지역개발정책 등에서는 후보자 간 차이가 거의 드러나지 않았다. 언론과 시민단체는 정당과 후보자로 하여금 정책적 우선순위를 명확히 밝히고, 정책이행을 촉구하는 등의 압력을 행사하는데, 대체로 선거일에 임박하여 활동이 집중되었고, 다양한 검증지표를 사용하다보니 결과가 상이하게 나타나는 경우도 발생하였다. 선관위는 유권자 투표참여를 독려하고, 정책선거 및 매니페스토를 홍보하는 활동을 전개하였는데, 대부분 활동이 당위성과 규범성에 중점을 두었고, 일방향으로 진행되었다는 점에서 한계를 지녔다. 유권자는 정책에 대한 정당 및 후보자의 입장 차이가 선명할 때 정책투표를 할 가능성이 높아지지만, 20대 총선에서는 공약 차별성과 일관성이 부족하여 정책투표로 이어지지 못하다. 또한 유권자의 후보자 선택에 있어 정책이 우선순위가 되지 못하였고, 매니페스토에 대한 관심 역시 부족하였다. 결국 20대 총선에서 정당 및 후보자, 언론 및 시민단체, 선관위, 유권자의 행태를 볼 때 정책선거와 정책투표는 이루어지지 않았으며, 정책선거는 텅 빈 구호에 불과하였다.

      • KCI등재후보
      • KCI등재

        WC-9%Co와 SUJ2강의 접합특성에 미치는 열처리의 영향

        정하윤,김종철,박경채 대한용접접합학회 1997 대한용접·접합학회지 Vol.15 No.5

        In The study, the bonding of WC-9%Co to SUJ2 steel using Ag-Cu-Zn-Cd insert metal has performed to investigate the bonding properties by heat-treatment. Bonding was brazed for 5-30min at 95$0^{\circ}C$, performed solution treatment for 5 min at 85$0^{\circ}C$ and sustained subsequently oil quenching. To investigate the effect of heat-treatment, tempering was executed at $600^{\circ}C$ for 30 min after oil quenching. Mechnical properties and chemical compositions on the brazed bonding interface were investigated by means of microstructural observation, 4-point bending test and EDS and XRD measurements. The results obtained were as follows. 1) The bonding strength of WC-9%Co/SUJ2 joints by Ag-Cu-Zn-Cd insert metal obtained about 78, 117 and 72MPa after brazing for 5, 20 and 30 min at 95$0^{\circ}C$. And the highest bonding strength obtained about 131MPa after brazing for10 min at 95$0^{\circ}C$ 2) Higher bonding strength of 288MPa was obtained in the joint that brazed for 10 min at 95$0^{\circ}C$, and carried out tempering for 30 min at $600^{\circ}C$ subsequently. 3) Fracture of joint brazed by Ag-Cu-Zn-Cd insert metal for 5, 10, 20 and 30 min created WC-9%Co/SUJ2 interface. The joint that brazed for 10 min at 95$0^{\circ}C$ and then tempered for 30 min at $600^{\circ}C$ was fractured at the site of WC-9%Co.

      • KCI등재

        정당체계와 지역정당- 캐나다 퀘벡연대(Bloc Québécois)의 사례를 중심으로

        정하윤 한국외국어대학교 국제지역연구센터 2013 국제지역연구 Vol.17 No.2

        The purpose of this article is to explain the rise and continuity of regional party which has made change in party system focused on the case of Bloc Québécois in the Canadian federal election. After emergence of Bloc Québécois in the 1993 federal election, it has instigated the restructuring of party system in Canada. The rise of regional party at the federal level and changes in the party system can be explained by political opportunity structure and the institutional context of multi-level system. In case of Bloc Québécois, societal heterogeneity of Quebec region in Canada and political decentralization has influenced the rise of regional party at the federal level despite of the single-member electorate system. Especially, the established local-level party(Parti Québécois) has provided federal-level party(Bloc Québécois) with the finance & human resource and constituency. This study tries to explain the rise and continuity of new and regional party in terms of the relation between party system cleavage based on the region and multi-level system. 본 논문은 캐나다 퀘벡(Quebec) 지역의 지역정당을 중심으로 정당체계를 변화시킨 지역정당(regional party)의 등장과 지속성을 설명하는데 초점을 맞춘다. 지역정당이 등장 및 생존하게 된 정치기회구조를 중심으로, 어떻게 지역정당이 지역을 기반으로 한 정당체계 균열을 형성하면서 변화를 초래하였는가를 설명하였다. 1993년 연방 하원선거에서는 퀘벡지역을 기반으로 한 퀘벡연대(Bloc Québécois)의 등장으로 인해 캐나다의 정당체제는 다당제로 변화하였다. 지역정당의 연방정치로의 진입과 정당체계의 변화는 정치기회구조와 다층적 체계의 제도적 맥락으로 설명이 가능하다. 캐나다는 신생 정당의 정치권 진입을 제약한다는 단순다수대표제의 선거제도를 지니고 있지만, 퀘벡주라는 공간의 사회적 불균질성과 주의 자율성을 보장하는 연방제 및 정치적 분권화는 퀘벡연대라는 지역정당이 등장하는데 호의적 조건으로 작용하였다. 특히 다층적 체계는 퀘벡연대가 연방 수준의 정당으로서 정치권에 진입하는데 있어 비용과 유권자 지지층 결집의 측면에서 기반을 제공하였다. 본 연구는 지역정당의 등장 및 생존을 정당체계에서의 지역 기반의 균열과 다층적 체계 간의 관계 내에서 설명하였다는 점에서의미가 있다.

      연관 검색어 추천

      이 검색어로 많이 본 자료

      활용도 높은 자료

      해외이동버튼