조선후기 오천정씨(烏川鄭氏) 가문의 전통 발견 -정습명(鄭襲明) 묘단(墓壇) 설치를 중심으로-

정수환(Jung, Su-Hwan) 포은학회 2015 포은학연구 Vol.15 No.-

조선후기 문중활동은 이른바 향촌사회사의 측면에서 위선활동의 일환으로 분석되고 있다. 이 글에서는 기존의 연구 성과를 바탕으로 일찍이 에릭홉스봄이 제기한 전통의 발견이라는 문제의식을 조선시대에 시범적으로 적용해 보고자 한다. 그는 정치적, 사회적 주도권(Hegemony)의 영향으로 인해 변화된 역사적 현상에 주목한 바 있다. 시범 분석을 위한 사례로 오천정씨문중의 시조 묘단 설치를 둘러싼 움직임을 추적했다. 정습명(鄭襲明)을 시조로 하는 오천정씨는 17세기에는 오천서원(烏川書院)을 중심으로 한 향사, 18세기에는 시조 묘단의 설치를 통해 가문의 전통을 확립했다. 전통의 발견은 성리학적 질서 확립과 연결된 정치적 영향의 결과로 ‘충(忠)’의 실제를 강조하거나 사회적으로 관향지(貫鄕地)를 영일(迎日)에서 ‘오천(烏川)’으로 제한하는 차별화를 통해 성취되었다. 오천정씨 가문이‘충’과‘오천’이라는 정치적이고 사회적인 전통을 발견할 수 있었던 것은 정습명에서 정몽주(鄭夢周)로 이어지는 가계의 연결성이 배경으로 작용했기 때문이었다. One of the research topics related to the local community movement during the late Choson period that can be further explored is the clans’activities in their respective country districts in Korea. These activities have been analysed as methods through which exercises were developed to alleviate the social hierarchy that had developed among the different clans. However, when it comes to hegemony and tradition, this research frame may also be applicable to Hobsbawm’s structure. His key concepts related to tradition and invention cope with how to figure out hegemony and power relations and contain both political and social aspects. For this reason, the case of Korea has been examined to employ the invention of tradition in the case of the Ohchǒn-Jung clan . The founder of the Ohchǒn-Jung clan was Jung Seup-Myung (鄭襲明); his clan worked to carry out the clan’s unique priority compared with that of the other Jung clans which were founded by others. They established the Ohchǒn Sǒwon (烏川書院) with the founder’s spirit tablet and periodically held memorial services during the 17th century. Furthermore, they also built the founder’s ancestral shrine, as the burial sight was not clearly identified. This event took place at the next centenary. The Ohchǒn-Jung clan invented their tradition with a heavy emphasis on loyalty; Ohchǒn (烏川) was the place of their origin. Loyalty was one of the core concepts of the neo-Confucianism that became the national institutional policy, and Ohchǒn was a social differentiation campaign that distinguished this clan from the other Jung clans. These traditional concepts are also associated with Jung Mong-Ju (鄭夢周), as he was regarded as the author of many of the tenets of neo-Confucianism; he was also the descendant of Jung Seup-Myung, who lived in Ohchǒn. In conclusion, the Ohchǒn-Jung clan invented their tradition and implemented their system of political and social hegemony as a reflection of these events and concepts.

업무용 공간 유형에 대한 가상현실 기반 분석

정수환(Suhwan Jung),박재현(Jaehyun Park),김현경(Hyun K. Kim) 대한산업공학회 2019 대한산업공학회지 Vol.45 No.2

진양하씨 초간보(1608)를 통해 본 17세기 족보편찬의 유형 검토

정수환 ( Jung Su-hwan ) 한국계보연구회 2012 한국계보연구 Vol.3 No.-

진주를 토성으로 하는 진양하씨의 족보가 처음 간행된 것은 1608년(선조 41)이었다. 이에 앞서 개인적으로 자신의 직계 선조만 정리한 일종의 家乘은 존재했던 것으로 추정되나 이들을 종합하여 하나의 족보로 편집하고 이를 목판으로 간행한 것은 이때가 처음 있는 일이었다. 초간보인 『진양하씨세보』가 간행되었던 17세기는 여러 성씨들의 초간보가 간행되기 시작하던 시기였다. 진양하씨 초간보 간행을 위해 주도적 역할을 한 사람은 暮軒 河渾(1548~ 1620)이었다. 그는 1606년 족보를 편집하고, 1608년 내용에 대한 교정을 통해 간행 할 수 있다. 족보의 간기에 의하면 ‘1608년 가을 교정이 이루어졌음을 확인할 수 있으며, 또한 교정에는 하경중과 성계갑이 참여 했음을 알 수 있다. 하혼이 족보를 편찬하고자 한 의도는 기본적으로 선조의 업적을 드러내려는데 있었다. 그러나 그 결과물이 미친 현재적 해석의 의미는 그의 의도를 뛰어넘는 것이었다. 첫째, 족보를 편찬하면서 남자 들을 중심으로 한 관계성만을 정리한 것이 아니라 어머니, 할머니를 비롯하여 딸, 사위 등 혼인을 통해 형성된 여성계열의 정보도 수록 했다. 이러한 내용을 수록한 족보를 ‘內外譜’라고 하며, 이러한 것은 남성과 여성이 대등한 사회적 지위와 가족적 입지를 지녔던 이 시기의 관념을 반영한 것이었다. 둘째, 족보를 편찬하는 과정에서 참여한 여러 인사들이 16세기에 산림으로 활동한 南冥 曹植(1501~ 1572)의 문인들로 구성되었다. 이로 인해 족보의 내용에 조식과 관련한 학통,혈연적 연결성이 강조될 수밖에 없었다. 이러한 배경에서 ‘진양하씨세보’에는 16세기 말에서 17세기 초엽 영남우도 지역 지배층의 혈연적, 학문연 연결성이 고스란히 반영되어 있다. 족보의 편찬과정에서도 이러한 지연, 혈연, 학연이 강하게 작용 하고 있음이 확인되었다. 성씨의 발원지인 진주(= 진양)를 지키고 있는 진양하라는 지연적 기반을 전제로 하고 있었다. 그리고 15세기 이 성씨에서 배출한 대표적 관료이자 학자인 河演(1376~ 1453)을 정 점으로 그의 후손들에 대한 기록을 전개하면서 혈연적 연결성에 바탕한 친족간의 결집을 의도하고 있었다. 『진양하씨세보』는 하혼이 편찬, 편집을 주도하여 간행되었다. 그는 지연, 혈연, 학연적 네트워크를 바탕으로 광범위한 자료를 수집 했다. 그의 결과물에는 단순한 계보인식을 바탕으로 한 조상 현양의 목적 차원이 아닌 17세기 초의 사회를 바라보는 관점이 투영되어 있다고 볼 수 있다. The Jinyang Ha Clan’s genealogy was originally published in 1608 (the 41st year of King Seonjo’s reign). The clan is said to have originated in Jinju, Gyeongsang-do. Prior to this publication, individual family lineage records were made, but the Jinyang Ha Clan’s genealogy was the first to be compiled and printed using woodblocks, under the title of The Detailed Genealogy of the Jinyang Ha Clan. Notably, in the 17th century, various clans’ initial genealogies began to be published. The publication of the Jinyang Ha Clan’s initial genealogy was led by Ha Hon (1548-1620). He compiled a genealogy in 1606, and proofread and published it using woodblocks in 1608, the first work of its kind. According to the genealogy publication record, proofreading was conducted in the autumn of 1608, with the help of Ha Gyeong-jung and Seong Gye-gap. Ha Hon promoted his forefathers’ achievements through the publication of the genealogy. The output of the genealogy, however, is considered to have meant more than his purported purpose. First, in compiling the genealogy, he recorded not only male lineages, but also female lineages including mother, grandmothers, daughters and son-in-laws. This type of genealogy is called the paternal and maternal genealogy, which reflected the egalitarianism between males and females within families of those times. Second, editors for the compilation of the genealogy included various literati from the 16th century under the school of the famous regional scholar Jo Sik(曹植, 1501 ― 1572). This led the genealogy to contain much of the Jo Sik-related lineage and school. As such, the Detailed Genealogy of the Jinyang Ha Clan reflected much of the lineages and schools of the ruling class from the end of the 16th century to the early 17th century, offering ample materials to be interpreted in terms of modem times. It was confirmed that such lineage and school influences were greatly reflected in the compiling of the genealogy. The genealogy was based on a clan which originated in Jinju. And, the genealogy described Ha yeon(河演, 1376 ~1453), a representative 15-century bureaucrat and scholar from this clan, and his offspring, thus attempting to further solidify kinship ties. In addition, the genealogy implied a connection with the disciples of Namyeong(南冥)Jo Sik(曹植). Ha Hon led the compilation, editing and printing of The Jinyang Clan Ha Detailed Genealogy, collecting extensive data through regional, lineage and school networks. His output was much more than a simple genealogy, reflecting Korean society in the 17th century.

왜란과 호란기 매매와 분재, 그리고 家計운영

정수환(Jung, Su Hwan) 역사실학회 2018 역사와실학 Vol.66 No.-

이 글은 평산신씨 신잡 종가에 전하고 있는 고문서를 이용하여 임진왜란과 병자호란 시기 개인과 가문의 전란 대응 실태를 살펴보는데 목적이 있다. 이를 위해 현재 이 가문에 전하고 있는 509점의 고문서 중 경제적 상황을 반영하고 있는 매매명문과 분재기 74점을 분석했다. 평산신씨 신잡 계열은 조선 16세기까지 한양에서 벼슬을 지속한 고위 관료가문이었다. 그러나 임진왜란으로 신립을 비롯하여 신잡의 동생들이 세상을 떠나면서 평산신씨 가문은 위기에 직면했다. 왜란 후에는 광해군에 의해 정치적 탄압을 받았으며, 비록 인조반정으로 위상이 복구 되었으나 임란 이전의 상황과는 비교할 수 없는 수준이었다. 곧 이은 병자호란으로 인해 신잡 종가 계열은 왜란 이전의 정치적 입지를 회복하지 못했다. 평산신씨 신잡 종가는 임진왜란 이전 조선의 핵심관료가문으로, 임란 이전에 작성된 분재기에는 전국에 소유 노비가 산재하고 있었다. 그러나 왜란으로 노비는 물론 토지와 같은 중요 재산이 흩어지고 말았다. 전란 중에도 매매와 분재를 실시하여 경제활동을 일상적으로 유지했음에도 임란 직후 산실된 가산을 파악하기 위한 노력은 용이하지 않았다. 급기야 병자호란 발발을 계기로 재산을 복구할 수 있는 문서들을 잃어버리게 되면서 그 가능성은 더욱 낮아지게 되었다. 평산신씨 신잡 종가는 조선전기에 고위관료를 많이 배출한 대표적 양반가였다. 그럼에도 불구하고 임진왜란과 병자호란이라는 전란은 이 가문의 정치적 위상은 물론 토지와 노비 같은 중요한 경제적 기반을 무너뜨리는 결정적 요인이었다. The purpose of this study is to examine the actual conditions of the land and the management of its nobi (slaves or serfs) during the Imjin War and the Manchu Invasion through the examination of historic documents conveyed to the Pyeongsan Shin Clan. To this end, in this study we analysed 74 sales and property documents pertain to the family’s economic situation, with the rest of the 509 historic documents belonging to this family. The Shin Jab family of the Pyeongsan Shin Clan was a high-ranking bureaucratic family that continuously maintained public office in Hanyang until the Joseon Dynasty in the 16th Century. During the Imjin War (1592~1598), the family’s seven siblings, including Shin Jab, suffered through a great difficulty. His younger brother, Admiral Shin Lip, died on the battlefield, and the rest of his younger brothers and mother died at that time. After the war, the remaining family was politically oppressed by King Gwanghaegun, and although it recovered its status with the Injobanjeong (the Restoration of King Injo), it was not comparable to the family’s situation before the war. Soon after the war, the Manchu Invasion prevented the family from regaining its pre-war political position. Before the Imjin war, Shin Jab was the core bureaucratic family and a leader in wealth of the Joseon Dynasty. A Bunjaeki (document of property division) made before the war shows that the family owned and managed nobi throughout the country. However, as a result of the Imjin War, the family’s important assets, including land and nobi, were scattered. Nonetheless, the family kept up its economic activities on a daily basis by carrying out sales and divisions of property, even in the midst of war. Immediately after the war, the descendants of Shin Jab tried to recover their assets to their previous scale. However, they could not recover their bureaucratic status and could not restore the pre-war level of their wealth due to the political pressure from King Gwanghaegun. In addition, the possibility of reclaiming their assets fell further in the wake of the Manchu Invasion, when they lost documents that could have helped them restore their property. The Shin Jab Family of the Pyeongsan Shin Clan was representative of the yangban (bureaucratic ruling class) and wealthy elite that produced many high-ranking officials in the Joseon Dynasty. Nevertheless, the Imjin War and the Manchu Invasion were the decisive factors that destroyed the family’s important economic bases of the time, such as its land and nobi, as well as its political status. This example shows that both the war and the invasion had a great influence on the economic structure and political dynamics of Joseon society.

조선시대 해주정씨의 王室婚과 家計經營

정수환(Jung, Su-hwan) 한국역사민속학회 2015 역사민속학 Vol.0 No.47

왕조국가 조선에 대한 이해에 있어 왕실이나 국가와 같은 상부구조(Superstructure)를 중심에 두고 그 관계성을 추적하는 것은 사회 토대(Base)의 변화 동향에 대한 연구와 동시에 이루어 질 필요가 있다. 이러한 시각에서 이 논문은 왕실과의 혼인이 특정가문에 미친 정치적, 경제적 영향에 대한 파악을 목적으로 鄭易(?~1425)을 정점으로 한 해주정씨를 사례분석 했다. 정역은 이방원과의 동방급제를 인연으로 조선 개국 후 태종의 아들 효령대군을 사위로 삼았으며, 이를 계기로 그를 정점으로 한 해주정씨는 조선 전기 왕실과의 혼인이 잇따르게 되면서 정치적 입지를 다지는 것은 물론 왕실이나 국가로부터 경제적 후원을 확보할 수 있었다. 조선 후기 해주정씨 종가는 魯山君과 魯山君夫人에 대한 奉祀를 계승한 사실과 더불어 端宗복위와 定順王后 思陵 조성으로 왕실인연이 재조명되었다. 이를 계기로 해주정씨 종가는 당쟁의 소용돌이에서 빗겨나 사환을 지속함은 물론 조선 전기 이래 왕실연원의 가산을 보존하고 경영할 수 있었다. 요컨대 조선시대 왕실혼은 왕실로부터 경제적 후원은 물론 정치적 배려가 집중되는 계제가 되었으며 이러한 요소들의 관리 또한 가계경영의 요체가 되었다. There were no royal marriages between monarchs during the Choson period (1392~1897), and marriage alliances were often made between members of the royal family and the Yangban class, one of the two official orders of that time. Based on this phenomenon, this article focuses on the Haeju Jeong clan to examine how the royal family provided political and economic benefits to allied clans. Members of the head Haeju Jeong family married members of the royal family, including princes and princesses, in the 15th century and enjoyed high-ranking official positions. This trend continued through to the end of the 16th century. As a result of its bond with the royal family, the Haeju Jeong family acquired special economic support through land, slaves, housing and jewelry from the royal family and, consequently, from the nation since there was no clear separation between royal and national finances. Even though the Haeju Jeong clan was not able to continue such marriage alliances in the 17th and 18th centuries, the family still received attention from the royal family. This occurred because the clan had continued to hold memorial services for a deceased brother-in-law who had been "unkinged" but was a member of their clan and of the royal family, and he was finally restored. The head Haeju Jeong family had also preserved the property that the royal family had presented to it to represent their alliance. After making this restoration to the clan, the royal family appointed the eldest member of the head family as a public officer, and the clan made use of this support to maintain its economic status. In conclusion, marrying a member of the royal family guaranteed political and economic assistance for the Haeju Jeong clan in the Choson period, and this clan also continued to make an effort to preserve its representation through memorial services and property it had acquired from the royal family.

18세기 경주 갓뒤마을 동계의 말림갓을 위한 호혜와 협동

정수환(Jung, Su-hwan) 역사학회 2021 역사학보 Vol. No.

임진전쟁과 일상, 기록 그리고 텍스트 검토

정수환(Jung, Su-Hwan) 한국사학사학회 2021 韓國史學史學報 Vol.- No.44

임진전쟁을 기록으로 남긴 자료를 비교 검토하여 일상에 관한 기술 자세를 확인했다. 대상 자료 실록, 일기, 고문서를 순차적으로 검토했다. 고문서는 현장에서 동시에 작성한 기록이라는 특징을 가지면서 전쟁으로 인한 기근, 실농, 유리걸식 그리고 당황과 애통의 감정을 담았다. 이는 전쟁의 일상이었다. 그리고 전쟁 중 일상을 기록한 일기는 주변의 관찰, 소문과 확인 그리고 직·간접적인 경험을 담고 있다. 일기는 외부 세력에 의한 일상의 파괴를 수록하면서 이 또한 일상으로 받아들이는 자세를 견지하고 있었다. 실록은 전쟁 후 17세기 초의 관점에서 ‘임진왜란’으로 평가하면서 왜군에 의해 발생한 극한의 상황과 파괴된 정치와 도덕을 수록했다. 이는 통치와 교훈의 관점에서 서술하면서 사회질서의 혼란을 일상의 파괴로 평가하는 관점이다. 고문서, 일기, 실록은 1592(선조 25)~1598년(선조 31) 사건에 대한 기술 자세에 차이를 보이고 있으며, 이는 일상을 기록한 사료의 층위를 보여준다 This article examines documents left a record of the Imjin War. It is compared and reviewed to confirm the attitude toward daily life. The subject data annals of Choson Dynasty, diaries, and historical documents -sales contracts- are reviewed sequentially. From this point of view, the historical document is characterized as a record written at the same time on the spot, and contains feelings of famine followed by spoiled farming and begging around, and embarrassment and sorrow caused by the war. This is the daily life of the war actually. And the diary, a record during the war, contains observations, rumors and confirmations around it, and direct and indirect experiences. The diary contained daily destruction by external forces and maintained a posture to accept this as daily life. The Annals of the Choson Dynasty in the Imjin War evaluated it as the ‘Japanese Invasion’ from the perspective of the early 17th century after the war. This kind of expression contained the extreme situation caused by the Japanese army, destroyed politics, and morality. This was described from the perspective of governance and lessons, looking at daily life as a confusion of social order. As such, historical documents, diaries, and the Annals of the Choson Dynasty show different attitude toward the Imjin War. It represents the stance of the describing and recording the 1592-1598 incident of the Choson Dynasty, and shows the texture of historical records

17세기 화폐유통과 전답매매양상의 변화 : 賣買明文에 대한 분석을 중심으로

정수환(Jung Su-Hwan) 한국학중앙연구원 2010 장서각 Vol.0 No.23

17세기를 중심으로 1601년부터 1720년 사이 작성된 전답매매명문 1,714건에 대한 분석을 통해 동 시기 화폐유통의 양상을 살펴보았다. 특히 17세기 말 동전의 유통을 계기로 나타난 전답매매 경향의 변화상을 분석하기 위한 전제로서 통계적 방법을 통한 매매 현상들을 도출하였다. 17세기 전답매매명문에 등장하는 매매수단은 크게 포목, 미곡, 동전, 은, 우마 등 다양하다. 포목과 미곡은 매매수단으로 이용된 경우 품질의 편차가 심하다. 포목은 17세기 중엽 동전 유통이 논의될 시기 升品이 낮았으나 동전유통에 앞서 품질이 강화되는 경향이 있었다. 이들 매매수단의 시계열별 추이는 1680년 이전에는 포목을 이용한 매매가 압도적이었으며, 1681~1690년 미곡 중심의 매매로 전환되었다. 1691년 이후 동전을 이용한 매매가 주요한 매매수단으로 대두되어 18세기 초에는 83.1%가 동전을 매매수단으로 이용하였다. 전답매매수단의 변화는 지역적인 차별성이 존재한다. 전라도는 1680년 이전 포목중심의 매매에서 1681~1700년 미곡을 이용한 매매로 전환 되었다. 동전은 18세기부터 중추적 매매수단으로 부상했다. 이에 반해 경상도는 1690년 이전의 포목중심에서 1691년 이후의 동전 중심 매매로 급격한 변화가 나타났다. 충청도는 1680년 이전 포목중심의 매매경향을 나타내면서도 1681~1690년 미곡 우위 속에서 포목이 함께 이용되었다. 그리고 1691~1700년 동전과 미곡이 대등하게 이용되었으며 1701년 이후 동전중심으로 전환하고 있어 전라도와 경상도의 완충적 성격을 나타내고 있다. 동전유통으로 인해 나타나는 매매양상의 변화는 월별 매매경향, 매매규모, 매매사유 등에 대한 行錢 전후의 경향 비교를 통해 추적했다. 행전이후 6~9월에 이루어지는 매매비율은 행전이전보다 낮았음에 반해 11월~2월의 매매비율은 높게 나타났다. 매매규모에 있어서도 행전이후 상대적으로 규모가 작은 3두락 미만의 토지 중심으로 매매가 이루어 졌다. 토지의 전래경위와 매도사유는 동전유통을 계기로 경제활동에 의한 ‘自己買得’과 토지경영의 합리화를 위한 ‘移買’의 비중이 높아지는 계기성을 엿볼 수 있다. Based on historical written contracts for land dealing in the era of Joseon dynasty, this study sought to examine into actual profile of contemporary monetary circulation and resulting historical transitions of land dealing practices(賣買明文). To meet the goal, this study focused on analyzing historical literatures in the 17th century, and dealt particularly with 1,714 land dealing contracts(originated from 1601 to 1720). Those contracts dealt with rice paddy(畓), ordinary fields(田) and house sites(家垈) for dealing. According to literature analysis, it was found that there were a variety of transactional means used for land dealing, such as cloth, cereal, coin, silver, cattle and coffin. There were many cases of bad quality cloth used for land dealings in early half of the 17th century. But central and local circulation of coin money(1674) made a chance to improve quality of cloth used for land dealings. In terms of cereals, non-milled rice appeared as a major mean of land dealings after 1670, and was widely used for various dealings till 1710. On the other hand, coin money of Joseon dynasty emerged in 1670 and worked as crucial means of dealing after 1690. According to literature analysis, it was found that there were differences in the transition of dealing means among regions in Korea. Before 1680, cloth-based land dealings in Jeolla province accounted for 82.8% or higher of all land dealings, whereas about 70% of all land dealings in same province from 1681 to 1700 were based on cereal offer. Next, coin-based land dealings accounted for 44.8% after 1701, which indicates a strong tendency of Jeolla(全羅) province to use coin for land dealings after the 18th century. In Gyeongsang(慶尙) province, it was found that cloth was used as number one means of land dealings (61.5%) before 1690, whereas coin accounted for highest ratio (75%) of means for all land dealings after 1691. That is, this province shows a rapid change of means for land dealing from cloth to coin. In Chungcheong(忠淸) province, cloth was used as major means of land dealing before 1680, while cereal and coin came to account for higher ratio of all means for land dealing from 1681 to 1700. And in Chungcheong province, coin accounted for 80 % or higher of all land dealings after 1701. The circulation of coin made a chance to cause changes to some aspects of land dealing. According to comparison annual land dealing timings before and after coin circulation, it was found that the ratio of land dealings from June to October was lower after coin circulation than before, while that of land dealings from November to next February was higher after coin circulation than before. These tendencies were almost identical in dealing of rice paddy and ordinary field among 3 provinces. In the trend of land dealings on scale, it was found that 6 or more duraks of land scale comprised mainstream of land dealings in the early 17th century. In the mid and late 17th century, however, 6 or more duraks of land scale were gradually losing land market share, so that 6 or less duraks of land scale comprised mainstream of land dealings in the early 18th century.

인조조(仁祖朝) 주전기반(鑄錢基盤)의 형성(形成)과 행전시도(行錢試圖)

정수환 ( Jung Su Hwan ) 청계사학회 2006 청계사학 Vol.20 No.-

The present study examined changes in coinage and coin circulation policies in the early 17th century from King Gwanghaegun(光海君) to King Injo(仁祖). During the reign of King Gwanghaegun, copper and iron, the main materials of coins, were imported in large quantities from Japan. Under King Injo, copper instruments, imported Chinese coins and old coins were used as materials for minting new coins, and as a result, opposition to coinage for the reason of insufficient material subsided. With regard to minting technology and facilities, the base for coinage had been established not only in the central government but also in localities as demonstrated by the case of metal type casting. Domestic and overseas environment for the possibility of coin circulation was examined. In the early period of King Injo, which was the transitional period from Ming(明) to Qing(淸), there was pressure from Ming against the circulation of Chinese coins, but the pressure was ignored and coin circulation was promoted inside the country. As it had been known that coins were circulated in China centering on Jungwon(中原) and were imported to Japan through Japanese envoys to China, the possibility of and necessity for coin circulation increased in Chosun(朝鮮) as well. What is more, the possibility of coin circulation could be estimated based on historical facts related to coinage and coin circulation since the Koryo(高麗) Dynasty, and it based the establishment of coin circulation policies. From the early years of King Injo, coins of unknown name and form were minted in order to test the possibility of coin circulation. In the 11th year of King Injo, the name and nature of coins were defined through the mintage of ‘Chosimtongbo(朝鮮通寶)’ Depending on size Chosuntongbo had a large size coin, and depending on material it was divided into tin and copper coins, so largely four types of coins were circulated. The quantity of coins minted at that time was around 2,000 gwan(貫), and the total quantity of coins circulated including old ones did not reach 10,000 gwan, which was not enough for coin circulation. Following the examination of coin circulation policies under King Gwanghaegun, enforcement rules for coin circulation were prepared and experimental coin circulation was attempted. In the 4th year of King Injo, efforts were made to expand the use of coins by installing stores trading in coin, paying officials’ salaries on coin, and collecting fines in coin, but coins were not accepted widely in the market. Under King Injo, coin circulation policies were executed mainly during the period from the 11th to 14th year of his reign. At that time, land taxes and royal taxes from Gyeongjung(京中) and provinces were collected in coin. In addition, government offices paid coin for part of goods that they purchased from the market. The historiographer recorded that with the circulation of Chosuntongbo coins were accepted in the market, and this meant that coins were used in tax collection. In the process of coin circulation, the J⑴nmunbangnap(錢文防納) system (a financier pays taxes on behalf of a taxpayer and gets repayment from the taxpayer in cash or goods with interest) emerged. With the emergence of Jeonmunbangnap, coin circulation was considered disadvantageous to ordinary people, so the system had a negative influence on coin circulation. Not only in Hanyang(漢陽) but also in provinces, coin circulation was attempted by collecting taxes in coin, but such efforts were effective limitedly among merchants and rich families in Seoul and some areas in Gyeonggi do(幾甸). Reflecting these realities, the historiographer of Silrok(仁祀實錄) recorded that coin circulation was ineffective. During the reign of King Injo, there were efforts to overcome the limit of coin circulation throughout the whole country. In the 22nd year of King Injo, Kim Yook(金堉) suggested the necessity for promoting coin circulation centering on Hwanghae do(黃海道) and Pyeongan do(平安道). He maintained the expansion of coin circulation to the whole country based on success in these areas. Efforts in coin circulation in the early 17th century under King Gwanghaegun and Injo have implications as follows. First, including materials and technologies, the foundation for coinage in the late Chosun Dynasty was established during this period. Second, the quality of coins was defined through the mintage of Chosuntongbo, and rules for coin circulation were established based on historical review. Third, as the government experienced limitations in enforcing coin circulation upon the whole country at once, an alternative policy for coin circulation, which would be executed by area centering on Seoro(西路) was established under King Hyojong (孝宗).

『朝鮮地誌資料』에 나타난 경기도 수리시설의 현황과 특징 : 洑와 堤堰의 사례를 중심으로

정수환(Jung Su-Hwan) 역사실학회 2009 역사와실학 Vol.39 No.-

The purpose of this study was to examine a book of the topography of the Joseon(朝鮮) Era titled "Joseon Jijijaryo(『朝鮮地誌資料』" in a bid to shed light on the distribution and nature of irrigation facilities in Gyeonggi Province under the early Japanese occupation. That book was written by Japan in 1911 in a move to rule the nation. It's meant in this study to raise a question about existing argument that the modernization of Korean irrigation facilities was fueled by Japanese colonial policy, and to look into the misguidance of the irrigation policy of the late Joseon Dynasty and the relevant efforts of contemporary self-governing local bodies by Japan. The selected book offered an overview of irrigation facilities including reservoirs(洑) and dams(堤堰) for each village. Different terms were utilized to refer to reservoirs and dams in that book, since the structure of irrigation facilities were regarded as reservoirs or dams. During the early Japanese occupation, the irrigation policy didn't work well in Gyeonggi Province. That book portrayed the state of irrigation facilities in the late Joseon Era. The irrigation policy of the 18th century focused on the construction of dams, and more than 300 dams were consequently built in the early 19th century. And then small-scale irrigation facilities, namely reservoirs, were mainly constructed as the government put less efforts into this field in the late 19th century. That book showed the overall state of irrigation facilities in Gyeonggi Province between the late 19th century and the early 20th century. The distribution of the irrigation facilities in Gyeonggi Province was reviewed in this study in conjunction with the river system of that region that included the Limjin River(臨津江), the Han River(漢江) and Anseongcheon(安城川). The irrigation facilities were primarily located in the upper and lower streams of the rivers. The upper streams of the rivers were among the low mountains that were higher in altitude than plains, and the lower streams were evenly distributed among plains involving ones by the sea. As a result of analyzing when the reservoirs and dams were repaired, the book mentioned the repairs of just about 10 percent of the facilities, probably because the irrigation facilities were repaired or newly constructed often. The reservoirs and dams were mostly under the management of landlords and their tenants or of village communities. Some of the dams were built and traded by men of wealth in Seoul. There are some suggestions about future research efforts. First, the symbolic and unique irrigation cases in each village of Gyeonggi Province should be analyzed to acquire more detailed information on the location and maintenance of the facilities. Second, the above-mentioned book that showed the state of nationwide irrigation facilities in the Joseon Dynasty should be more closely analyzed to compare the irrigation facilities of Gyeonggi Province with those of the other regions to get a grip on the specificity of this area. Third, how the traditional irrigation system of our country was ruined during the early Japanese occupation should be studied in more detail, and what made contemporary irrigation facilities reduced to a colonial means of food production should be explored as well by giving concrete examples.