얄타 會談에 있어서의 理想과 現實

鄭民喜 동국사학회 1981 동국사학 Vol.16 No.-

批判의 主流는 첫째 美國이 너무 宥和的 態度로 ??함으로써 소聯에게(안 넘길 수 있었을) 友邦들을 넘겨 주었다거나, 둘째 美國을 비롯한 西万國들이 많은 人命과 財脂을 儀性하며 지키려던 民主主義, 民族自?의 高貴한 大義를 達背한 不道德한 去來를 하였다는 國家利益의 側面과 道德的 側面에서의 批判과 함께 會談에서 美國의 目慓를 ?徹 시키는데 賢明하지 못하였다는 外交交?上의 技術的 誤謬의 指摘이 있다. 그리고 가장 本質的인 批判이라고 할만한 것은 美國의 目標자체자 現實을 모르는 섣부른 理想主義라는 것이다. 本稿에서는 美國의 目標에 重點을 두고 이 會談의 ?緯와 結果를 槪觀하려한다.

캐더린 2世에 관한 연구

정민희 安東大學 1982 安東大學 論文集 Vol.4 No.1

Some critics argue that Catherin II does not deserve to be called "enlightened" despot. They say that, in Catherine, Enlightenment was not deeper than her vainity. She was-urged on by a boundless desire for fame and a wish to astonish the world, while despotism was implicit in her ambition. They insist that enlightenment was used only as a tool of diplomacy by Catherine the Great and under Catherine II the conditions of serfdom became worse than in any other periods. These claims, however, seem to be unfair to her. At first, the conditions of her acces, sion should be considered. At the time of her accession no one in Russia or abroad forsaw that she was to reign longer than any of her predecessors since the Peter the Great. She had no choice but to ally nobility, the only influential political entity. Steeped in Western liberal thought, determining not to dilute autocratic power but to use it for the benefit of her subjects, Catherine conceived an ambitious plan to provide the nation with a new law code which reflect Western humanitarian principles. She decided to convoke a Legislative Commission. To give the representatives of the Commission the empress herself worked for two years on Ukaz (Instructions), which contained over five hundred paragraphs suggesting principles to which the enlightened state should adhere in politics, economics, social welfare, culture and religion. But the Legislative Commission, summoned in the summer of 1767 and held over 200 sessions, accomplished disappointing results, not because Catherine had been lacking in eagerness for the reform but because the representatives of every social group, not accustommmed to political meetings, made speeches less constructive than complainning and sought only their own classes` interests. Even after the Commission Catherine worked hard for the development of the country along the line of Enlightenment: to improve the conditions of the state-owned serfs, to establish municipal government, to build new cities and etc. Catherine, though in a modest scale, made an approach to lessez-faire that philosophes insisted in the economic policies, that is, to remove the monopolies, to seals down the tariffs,. She invited foreigners into the country under preferred condition to establish factories and to set good examples for natives to improve the agriculture. Russia`s foreign trade volume increased markedly during her reign. She had been eager for education which she thought to be most difficult but most important in realizing enlightened ideals in her backward country. She made a beginning on a national system of lay schools. She established a school for the daughters c; nobility with the purpose of making them refined with western culture. She even attempted to enlighten the people through periodical magazine writing herself. She set her people an example of confidence in new medical practices by being the first to be vaccinated against smallpox. The Catherinian reforms differed from those of Peter. Whereas Peter acted at the spur of the moment, Catherine made philosophical approach. She had more characteristics worthy being called "enlightened" despot: she worked harder than any other person in the government at that time She had an an appetite for reading more than any, then, the extent of her knowledge was admirably far-reaching. Though such backward conditions of the country as financial difficulties, illiteracies, superstitions, and weakness of bourgeoisie disturbed her performing larger reforms, she deserves to be called enlightened despot.

産業革命의 原因에 관한 고찰

정민희 安東大學 1983 安東大學 論文集 Vol.5 No.1

Explanations of the industrial revolution have consisted mainly of suggesting a large number of variables, sometimes relationships between variables, and usually of attributing the crucial discontinuity to the aggregate effects of the autonomous variation of one important variable. The historians, in detailed analyses, have suggested many "causal" factors, yet all have sought "a main cause", and have elevated one variable to the role of chief cause. The most popular explanation has taken the form of a simple capital accumulation model. Many historians have given primary importance to capital accumulation and have said something about the importance of market expansion while others stressed technological change and laissez-faire. To some, English leadership was no more than an accident of geography, the combination of a fortunate site for trading and favourable endowments of material necessary for industrialization such as coal, iron core and other minerals. In addition to economic factors, however, the industrial revolution has been attributed to the protestant ethic, to the commercial bias of English science and law and to the flexibility of the English social structure. Although the importance of capital formation for growth has been largely accepted by all economists and historians, there is scepticism that capital accumulation perse necessarily produce growth. Rather than increased savings and investment causing growth, both are more likely to be the result of growth. In 18th century England a main source of capital for industry was re-invested profit. Thus there seems to be little theoretical or historical justification for assuming that the industrial revolution in England was the result of a notable acceleration in capital accumulation. It is generally accepted by economists that consumer spending has disect effects on profits and the incentive to invest. Many historeans, recognizing the essential role of market to the organization of large-scale industry, have attributed greater importance to an increase in overreas trade than to one in home-market. For there was a rapid expansion of exports in the third quater of the 18th century, and the industries mainly dependent on the home economy expanded less rapidly than the major export industries. However, foreign trade could only have accounted for a small, though significant, proportion of total industrial production in the years leading up to the industrial revloution. The steadily expanding level of aggregate domestic demand was more important for growth than the more erratic growth of foreign trade in the years before 1780. The expansion was the result of the greater purchasing power of the English commoners. Due to the greater equality of wealth, higher wages, and greater abundance, purchasing power per head and standard of living in Eritain were significantly higher than across the Channel. British society was open: income was distributed more evenly than Europe, the barriers to mobility were lower and the definitions of status were looser. Mobility implies emulation, and emulation promotes the diffusion of patterns of expenditure. Thus, the home market for manufactures was growing. This openness of British society was linked to the peculiar position and character of the aristocracy. In the sense of other European countries, Britain had no nobility. She had a peerage whose essential and unique perquisite was the possibility of sitting in the House of Lords. They did not enjoy fiscal immunities and their children were commoners. Below the nobility stood the gentry or so-called squirearchy without legal definition or status. Some gentry were of noble antecedents; others had made their fortunes in trade or the professions or government service and had purchased estates as much for their social prestige as for their income; still others were farmers or yeoman grown wealthy. Nobility and gentry generally practised primogeniture. The fourth and fifth sons, of gentryand even of noble families, would have to be apprenticed to trade. The sanction that this legitimate participation conferred on trade as a respectable activity and on pecuniary rationality as a way of life was the substantive contribution to enterprise as a symbol. The head of the family had to build the patrimony and make it work for him and his children. The concern of the British gentleman for the accretion of his fortune made him a participant in society rather than a parasite upon it. Business interests promoted a degree of intercourse between people of different stations and walks of life that had no parallel on the Continent. Below the level of gentry, there was no barrier between land and trade. Nowhere else was the countryside so infused with manufacture: nowhere else, the pressures and incentives to change greater, the force of tradition weaker. In significant senses England had a freer society and a freer economy in the 18th century than ether European economies: there was greater security for property and enterprise; there was greater social mobility; the prevalent social attitudes (religious, political and social) were relatively more favourable towards change; there was an increasing breakdown of medieval and mercantilist: restrictions on trade and industry; improved communications made transport of men and materials easier. Great britain constituted the largest free trade area in Europe. A freer economy meant the more effective working of the price mechanism. In such circumstances profit became a more certain measure of economic efficiency, and enterprise was rewarded, making relative price changes effective in quickly encouraging or discouraging production. Many factors and favourable conditions promoted and accelerated the Industrial Revolution but it originated from the changes of English society over centuries.

일본 경제와 자위대 : 한반도 위기의식

정민희 수원대학교 교지편집위원회 1988 水原大文化 Vol.4 No.-

자산운용사의 정리제도에 대한 소고

정민희 서강대학교 법학연구소 2023 법과기업연구 Vol.13 No.1

This article highlights the problems in the application of the law that asset managements face when they go out of business. The first issue is the interpretation of asset managements as an insured financial companies, the second is that asset managements are subject to prompt corrective action, and the third is the lack of legislative arrangements on matters that must be considered when the license of an asset management company is revoked. The reason this is a problem is that asset management companies are treated similarly in the resolution and liquidation process, even though their business is inherently different from that of other financial institutions. Asset management companies are not obligated to pay specific amounts to investors in their own accounts and do not provide direct payment and settlement services like banks and securities. Also, the size of fund assets of asset management companies is not recognized as large enough to affect the real economy. Nevertheless, some asset management companies are forced to participate in deposit insurance, which is predicated on a large number of withdrawal requests for their own accounts. This is because the KDIC interprets asset management companies authorized to sell funds as insured financial companies. In addition, asset management companies, like other financial companies, are currently subject to PCA for the capital adequacy of their proprietary accounts under the Act On The Structural Improvement Of The Financial Industry. Financial authorities regulate capital only by imposing PCA based on the Act On The Structural Improvement Of The Financial Industry, even though the Financial Investment Services And Capital Markets Act can also serve as a basis for prudential regulation. Finally, since the KDIC does not make payments to investors on behalf of asset management companies, there is a practical need for financial authorities to consider fund investors more than other financial companies when deciding whether to liquidate an asset management, appoint a manager/liquidator, or establish a bridge manager. In this article, I tried to examine the above problems in detail in terms of legislative history, harmonization with other laws and regulations, and practical effectiveness, and proposed improvement measures. 이 글은 자산운용사의 정리과정에서 발생하는 법령 적용상의 문제점들을 고찰한다. 첫 번째 문제는 자산운용사를 예금자보호법상 부보금융회사로 해석하는 것이고, 두 번째문제는 자산운용사를 금융산업구조개선법상 적기시정조치의 대상회사로 규정하고 있는것이며, 세 번째 문제는 퇴출 과정에 있어 자산운용사에게 필요한 고려가 법령으로 정비되지 않은 것이다. 이들 문제는 자산운용사가 다른 금융회사와 본질적으로 다른 특성이 있음에도 정리과정에서 유사하게 취급되고 있기 때문에 발생한다. 자산운용사는 고유계정에서 투자자에 대해 특정한 금액을 지급하기로 하는 의무를 부담하지 않고, 은행ㆍ 증권과 같이 직접적인 지급결제서비스도 제공하지 않으며, 펀드 자산규모도 실물경제에영향을 미칠 정도의 크기라고 인정되지 않고 있다. 그럼에도 불구하고, 일부 자산운용사는 고유계정에 대한 대량의 인출요청을 전제로하여 만들어진 예금보험에 강제 가입되어 있다. 예금보험공사가 펀드 판매 인가를 받은자산운용사를 부보금융회사로 해석하고 있어서이다. 또한. 인가 받은 자산운용사는 현재 다른 금융회사들과 마찬가지로 고유계정의 자본 건전성에 대해 금융산업구조개선법상의 적기시정조치의 적용을 받고 있다. 자본시장법도건전성 규제의 근거규정이 될 수 있음에도 금융당국은 금융산업구조개선법에 근거하여적기시정조치를 부과하는 방법으로만 자본 규제를 하고 있다. 마지막으로, 자산운용사의 펀드 투자자에 대하여는 예금보험공사의 대지급이 없으므로, 금융당국이 자산운용사의 퇴출 여부를 결정함에 있어서나, 관리인ㆍ청산인을 선임함에 있어서나, 또는 가교 운용사를 설립함에 있어 다른 금융회사보다 더 투자자를 고려해야 하는 현실적인 필요가 있음에도 관련 근거규정이 미비한 문제가 있다. 이 글에서는 위와 같은 문제점들을 입법 연혁 측면, 다른 법령과의 조화로운 해석 측면, 현실적인 실효성의 측면 등에서 상세하게 살펴보고, 개선방안을 제시하고자 하였다.

Fabrication of Biocompatible Micro-Patterned PET Film via UV Imprint Lithography Technique

정민희,육지호,이승준 한국고분자학회 2020 한국고분자학회 학술대회 연구논문 초록집 Vol.45 No.2

텔레비전 오디션 리얼리티 쇼의 인물 수행 기능 분석

정민희 한국방송학회 2011 한국방송학회 학술대회 논문집 Vol.2011 No.11

얄타 회담에 있어서의 이상과 현실

정민희 동국사학회 1981 동국사학 Vol.16 No.-

초등 교사들의 사회과 관련 PLC 참여경험의 의미 연구

정민희,남상준,권정화 한국사회교과교육학회 2013 한국사회교과교육학회 학술대회지 Vol.2013 No.-

오디션 리얼리티 쇼 <스타오디션 위대한 탄생>과 <슈퍼스타 K2> 등장인물의 성격 유형과 수행 기능 연구

정민희,강승묵 청운대학교 방송예술연구소 2012 미디어와 공연예술연구 Vol.7 No.2

이 글은 최근 몇 년간 한국의 텔레비전 프로그램 중에서 가장 많은 주목을 받고 있는 오디션 리얼리티 쇼의 등장인물의 성격 유형과 수행 기능을 살 펴보고자 했다. 이를 위해 MBC TV의 <스타오디션 위대한 탄생>과 Mnet의 <슈 퍼스타 K2> 주요 등장인물인 TOP4를 대상으로, 이들의 성격 유형을 에니어그램 을 통해 분류하고 수행 기능을 행위소모델과 기호사각형을 통해 분석했다. 연구결 과에 의하면, 두 프로그램의 TOP4 등장인물은 발신자-수신자, 주체-대상, 조력자 -반대자의 3개 대립항이 상호교차 되면서 중복 기능을 하고, 공유하는 정보를 중 첩적으로 이용하며, 특히 주체는 조력자를 통해 추구 대상을 얻기 위한 정보를 학 습하는 것으로 나타났다. 이와 같은 결과는 두 프로그램의 등장인물이 관계적 행 위를 통해 다양한 의미론적 작용을 하는 것이라고 볼 수 있다. 이는 이들이 오디 션, 리얼리티, 쇼라고 하는 성공의 욕망을 구체화시켜주는 기제들을 통해 경쟁과 협력이라는 이중의 역설적인 관계 속에 위치하고 있음을 의미하기도 한다. This study has attempted to explore on the personality type and performing function of character constructed by TV Audition reality show. In so doing, this paper has analysed of TOP4(4 characters) in <Stat Audition: The Great Birth> and <Superstar K2>. Research methodologies are Enneagram, Actant Model, and Semiotic Square. First of all, according to this findings, the characters of two programs tend to perform duplicative function through the intercross of 3 opposition sections as sender-receiver, subject-object, cooperator-objector (protagonist-antagonist). Especially, the informations of theirs are piled up each other and the subject studies the information for the pursuit object through coordinator. This results are the various signification of the relative actions of characters. And this means that they are positioned double and paradoxical relation between the competition and cooperation through tools to specify the desire of success like audition, reality, and show.