일반논문 : 10~13세기 표류민(漂流民) 송환체제(送還體制)를 통해 본 동아시아 교통권의 구조와 특성

전영섭 ( Young Seop Jun ) 동아대학교 석당학술원 2011 石堂論叢 Vol.0 No.50

본고는 10∼13세기 동아시아 교역권에서 전개되고 있는 여러 특징 가운데 표류의 실태와 송환체제를 분석하여 이 시기 형성된 교통권의 구조와 특성을 구명하였다. 표류민의 발생과 송환은 이 시기 동아시아 교역체제와 깊은 관계가 있다. 따라서 이에 대한 검토는 해상 네트워크의 형성, 해양으로 진출한 사람들의 구성을 알 수 있을 뿐만 아니라, 각국의 대외교역 관리의 차이점, 나아가 동아시아 교통권의 구조와 특성까지도 구명할 수 있는 점에서 중요한 연구영역이다. 이 시기 동아시아 교역권에서 발생한 표류민의 신분은 使臣, 상인(海商)·僧侶, 軍人, 家奴, 漁夫 등 구성이 다양하였다. 그런데 표류민의 신분구성은 12세기 중후반을 경계로 使臣에서 상인으로 그 중심이 이동되었다. 이러한 표류민 신분의 중심이동은 이 시기 동아시아 대외교역시스템의 互市體制(公貿易體制/國家管理體制)에서 市舶司體制(私貿易體制/民間交易體制)로의 전환이 그대로 반영되어 있었다. 송대 표류사신의 송환은 "(1)선박의 漂着→(2)官의 救濟→(3)訊問·조사((1)표착사신의 上表 (2)표실 공물 처리)→(4)담당관의 중앙으로의 보고→(5)중앙에서의 사신 파견→(6)存撫와 上京 지시→(7)의복·예물 등 지급→(8)송환→(9)(사신) 本國으로 詔書 지급"으로 이루어져 있었다. 고려의 표류사신에 대한 조처는 ``(2)官의 救濟``, ``(6)存撫와 上京 지시``, ``(7)의복·예물 등 지급``이, 일본의 경우에는 ``(3)訊問·조사``와 ``(4)담당관의 중앙으로의 보고``가 시행되었음이 확인되었다. 송대 표류민의 송환은 "㉮선박의 漂着→㉯해당관청(市舶司)에 보고→㉰官의 救濟→㉱市舶司로 이관→㉲인원·화물의 등록과 조사·처리((1)물품의 보관·權買 및 分買, 반환 (2)세금부과 (3)시박사의 勘驗 (4)違制失條例 및 防守·盜縱·詐冒斷罪法 적용 등)→㉳담당관(시박사)의 중앙으로의 보고→㉴存撫(存問) 및 식량 지급→㉵渡海糧 지급→㉶俟便에 의한 송환"이라는 절차가 법으로 규정되어 있었다. 송의 표류민에 대한 송환은 지방에 위임되어 있었고, 그것을 전담한 것은 대외섭외창구인 明州의 市舶司였다. 고려에서는 표류민을 송환할 때 ``㉶俟便에 의한 송환`` 방식을 취하지 않고 지방관이 직접 護送하였고, 표류민 송환 조처가 중앙의 명령에 의해 시행되고 있었다. 일본에서 표류민 송환은 종래 중앙에서 주도하던 것이 1031년을 기점으로 지방으로 위임되었고, 이후 표류민의 송환은 對馬島官이 주도하였다. 당시 표류민 송환에서 이용된 송·고려 간의 교통로는 남방항로(明州―黃海―黑山道―西海岸―禮成江―急水門―碧瀾渡―開京)와 일치하였고, 고려와 일본 간에는 耽羅―金州―對馬島라는 루트가 형성되어 있었다. This dissertation with the various characteristic middle drift one actual condition which is developed from 10∼13 centurial East Asia trades circle the structure and a quality of the traffic circle which is formed analyzed a repatriation setup and this time examined. The drift one occurrence and the repatriation this timely East Asia trade setup and is very deep relationship. Consequently about this problem investigation there is being a possibility of seeking the entity about formation of the sea network, a possibility of knowing the composition of the people who advances toward the ocean from the various nations and to observe there is also these drift one control process and namely repatriation setup leads is a research territory which is important from the point which is the possibility which even until structure and quality of difference of foreign trade management of the various nations and further East Asia traffic circle tries. To the drift one repatriation setup which occurs consequently from this timely East Asia merchant ocean with the stage major role, under these leading this week when is a southeast route ―Kumju(金州)―Tamna(耽羅)―Daemado(對馬島) and the western sea route ―Naju(羅州)―Kunsan(群山)―Daemado(對馬島)― was joined together. And Naju which from this setup reaches to the cluster home country and when considers the point which repatriates the line burning, drifting where also song is developed from East Asia to close relation to the repatriation setup which pushes was. This timely East Asia drifting the repatriation setup which pushes southeast route ―Myengju(明州)―Kumju(金州)―Tamna(耽羅)―Daemado(對馬島), the western sea route Myengju(明州)―Naju(羅州)·Gunsan(群山)―Daemado(對馬島)― the method which is formed. And to the area where is located in this route almost the most higher officer existing the possibility is, was the key point of the traffic where the commerce advances. And to the area where is located in this route almost the most higher officer existing the possibility is, was the key point of the traffic where the commerce advances. Drifting which from like this point is developed from 10∼13 centurial East Asia the repatriation setup which pushes 10th century after that hour doctor setup which is formed (business reverse setup = civil trade system in the merchant center ocean with the stage) comes is to be a structure which is identical.

唐律 「同居相爲隱條」의 ‘相容隱’ 규정과 立法 원칙

전영섭(Jun, Young-Seop) 효원사학회 2015 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.48

『唐律疏議』의 總則에 해당하는 「名例律」의 「同居相爲隱條」및 其他律條 등 各則에 보이는 ‘相容隱’ 규정은 유교의 親親主義 내지 親屬一體主義에 기초한 ‘親屬相隱’ 사상이 법률에 반영된 조문이다. 특히 본 조문에서는 친속관계 등에 기초하여 범인을 은닉한 행위에 대한 免刑을 규정하고 있다. 이러한 면형이 적용되는 관계를 ‘相容隱’ 또는 ‘相容隱者’라고 한다. 따라서 이에 대한 究明은 唐律의 저변에 흐르는 지배원리로서 禮制의 본질 입법 사상뿐만 아니라 당률 전후의 시기별 변화양상 등을 이해하는데 도움이 된다. 「同居相爲隱條」에서는 이른바 ‘相容隱’ 규정을 총론적으로 명시하고 있다. 본 조에서는 ‘相容隱’을 범인에 대해 은닉이 허용되는 ‘相容隱’과 허용되지 않는 ‘非相容隱’으로 대별하고, 각각에 해당하는 친속의 범주와 相隱행위에 대한 처리방식 및 減免이 허용되지 않는 제한 행위를 규정했다. 본 조와는 달리 各則에 해당하는 律條등에는 ‘相容隱’ 규정에 따라 ‘相容隱者’가 ‘爲隱하는’ 罪行으로서 自首告言체포 共犯은닉과 도주 幇助증인 등이 구체적으로 제시되어 있고, 제한 규정에서도 죄수도망과 형구 해탈을 위한 물건지급 등이 명시되어 있다. 게다가 이들 律條에는 ‘相容隱者’의 爲隱罪行에 대한 免刑의 종류 및 ‘상용은’ 규정의 위반 罪行에 대한 처벌도 비교적 세세하게 제시되어 있다. 이러한 특징을 보이는 ‘상용은’ 규정에는 親親主義와 그것에 기초한 親親相隱(父子相隱) 원칙이 반영되었을 뿐 아니라 儒家의 혈연에 기초하는 宗法制度와 존비장유의 신분질서가 기능하고 있었다. 다만 이 ‘상용은’ 규정은 謀反ㆍ謀大逆ㆍ謀叛과 같은 황제와 국가의 권익을 침해하는 十惡罪에는 적용되지 않았다. 이는 ‘상용은’ 규정이 유교의 親屬主義가 刑法에 반영된 것이지만, 이러한 친속주의는 황제를 정점으로 한 國家主義의 통제 하에서 기능하였음을 말해준다. This study has focused on Sangyongeun(相容隱) which showed in Mungrarul(名例律) of Tangrulsoeui(唐律疏議) and extra ruljo(律條) that was general rules in rules of Tang dynasty belonged to reflection of rules which were based on rules for Chinchinism(親親主義) of confucianism or Unanimism of relatives that was Chinjoksangeun(親族相隱). Especially, this study provided remission of sin on hiding criminals because of relative relationship. This remission of sin belonged to the relationship which was Sangyongeun(相容隱) or Sangyongeunja(相容隱者). Therefore, this study on the topic helps us understand not only the basics of Yeje (禮制) and legislative principles and philosophy but the status of period changes during before and post of rules of Tang dynasty. In Dongeosangwieunjo(同居相爲隱條) the principle of misprisions of criminals each other noted the category of relatives that applied to the behavior of conceal criminals because of the relative relationship and regulated universally according to status orders of clan rules such as the relationship of elders and juniors and owners and servants. the regulation of Sangyongeun(相容隱) concretely showed the criminal behaviors which concealed Sangyongeunja(相容隱者) according to the rules Sangyoneun(相容隱) in extra rules. These rules divided on the behaviors which was self-surrender, accusation, arrestment, accomplice concealment and escape support, witness and moreover, divided to criminal escapes, receptacle damages for punishment and object provision etc. Moreover, others of ruljo(律條) regulated punishments on criminal behaviors that belonged to break the principles of Sangyongeun(相容隱) and types of remission of sin on harbouring of Sangyongeunja(相容隱者). The regulation of process on behaviors of Sangeun(相隱) of Sangyongeunja(相容隱者) divided into bilateral Sangyongeun(相容隱) which allowed them to harbour each other and unilateral Sangyongeun(相容隱) which allowed them to harbour one side and are different. The regulation of Sangyongeun(相容隱) were based on Chinchinism(親親主義) and philosophy of Chinchinsangeun(親親相隱). Thus the remission of sin were differentiated depending on confucian definite uniform, however, the principle of Sangyongeun(相容隱) had characters on operation of national priority. Thus the principle of Sangyongeun(相容隱) reflected on the punishment which belonged to confucian relatives system and this confucian relatives system were realized under national control of emperor.

唐·宋·元의 律典에 具顯된 謀大逆罪의 構成要件과 刑罰體系

전영섭(Jun, Young-Seop) 효원사학회 2018 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.53

본고에서는 당·송·원대의 律典에 규정된 謀大逆罪의 구성요건과 형벌체계를 비교·분석하여 刑政認識의 변화를 구명하였다. 첫째, 『당률소의』에 규정된 내용은 다음과 같다. (1) 모대역죄의 구성요건은 “宗廟·山陵 및 宮闕을 훼손하려고 꾀한 행위”였고, 主刑은 교수형이었다. 처벌상 특례로서 (2) 모대역죄는 단독으로 규정되지 않고 ‘謀叛 이상’ 또는 ‘謀反·謀大逆·謀叛’이라는 형식이 중심을 이루었다. (3) 首從之法이 적용되었고, 漏泄한 경우에는 교수형에 처해졌다. (4) 告와 관련하여 ①不告罪에 대한 엄중 처벌, ②告할 수 있는 범위의 확대, ③誣告·事容不審에 대한 엄중 처벌 등이 있었다. (5) 담당 관원이 ①모대역죄를 즉시 掩捕하지 않은 행위 및 奏聞을 생략한 행위, ②모대역죄에 대한 고발을 접수한 軍府의 官員이 신속하게 처리하지 않은 행위, ③범인을 收捕하는 과정에서 奏聞을 생략한 행위에 대해서도 상응하는 처벌규정을 두었다. (6) 집행 규정으로서 ①사형 집행 금지기간의 적용 금지, ②1覆奏制의 시행, ③三審制의 부적용 등이 설치되었다. (7) 唐 후기가 되면 모대역죄가 포함된 중범죄는 ‘惡逆 이상’이라는 형식이 주를 이루었다. 둘째, 송대 율전에 규정된 내용은 다음과 같다. (1) 중범죄에 대한 범주로서 ‘惡逆 이상’이 법제화됨과 동시에 확대·운영되었다. (2) 모대역이라는 죄명은 謀反·謀大逆·謀叛이 통합된 謀逆으로 대체되었고, 처벌도 斬市刑이었다. (3) 처벌상의 특례로서 配隸된 자가 십악죄를 범한 경우에는 移配시키는 않는다는 규정, 매월 2월 天慶節에 형을 집행한다는 규정이 확립되었다. 셋째, 원대 율전에 규정된 내용은 아래와 같다. (1) 모대역죄의 구성요건은 “종료·산릉 및 궁궐을 훼손하려고 꾀한 행위”였지만, 법률적으로 사문화되었고, 이를 謀逆이라는 죄명이 대신하였다. (2) 모역죄의 구성요건은 “妖言에 의해 人衆을 煽惑시킨 행위”였고, 이에 대한 主刑은 참수형이었다. (3) 한편 원률에는 이외에도 首從之法의 적용, 妻子 등 家의 구성원의 沒官이라는 처벌상의 특례도 존재하였다. In this paper, we compare and analyze the constitutional requirements and the punishment system of the mother-in-law, which is a "felony crime against the emperor"s domination order The change of the perception of the form according to the flow of the age was investigated. First, there are some characteristics of the constitutional requirements and punishment system of the Modaeyeokje (1) In the case of "Dangrulsoyei", the constitutional requiremet of the mother-in-law was defined as "an act intended to undermine the Jongmyo, the mountainous palaces and palaces". (1) In the case of the Party of Mortality, the constitutional requirement of the maternity offense was defined as "the act intended to damage the nursery, the mountainous ruins and the palace". On the other hand, in this rate, as for the various punishment exemption for Modaeyeokje, (2) "Moban Yeisang" that the forms of "Moban·Modaeyeok·Moban" was centered on (3) The method of branching was applied, and if it leaked, it was hanged, (4) As the proceedings proceeded, various regulations related to the previous stage of prosecution were made. In addition, (5) Regulations on lawsuits, trials and enforcement also stipulate the constitutional requirements and penalties for offenses committed during the arrest, trial, trial, (6) When enforcing the Modaeyeokje, ① the period of prohibition of executions was not applied, ② Fuzhou was implemented as a criminal lawsuit, and ③ Criminal system was not applied. Second, it is noteworthy that the constitutional requirements of the maternity offense implemented in Song, and the provisions on penalties and various punishment exceptions, (1) The fact that the major crimes of the ten wickers who have been changed since the late of the period have been legalized as "Moban" and "Yakyeok". (2) The term "Modaeyeok", which incorporates "Moeyok" as "Moban․Modaeyeok․Moban․yakyeok" is found. In this way, it can be seen that Song Bae was integrated into the term "Modaeyeok" without being used alone. Third, the constitutional requirements and punishment system of welfare system implemented in the welfare system are basically followed by (1) "Dangrulsoyei" and "Songhyungtong", but (2) Particularly "Wonjeonjang" is the fact that he was punished by "the case of Fuzhou" as a constitutional requirement for Modaeyeokje and the act of "falsifying the god" "is a case that comes out.

唐·高麗의 律典에 구현된 立法原則과 예치시스템

전영섭(Jun, Young Seop) 효원사학회 2013 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.43

The myeongryeyul(名例律) in Dangryulsoui( 唐律疏議) that corresponds to the general provisions of the code consists of the regulations on the kind and grade of punishments, the name of sins, the principle for imposition of punishment, and conceptual definition. In this paper, what is remarkable is that Soui( 疏議), dealing with myeongryeyul, takes the manner of ingyeonggyeolog (引經決獄) which uses the quotations from the Confucian texts to account for the legislative basis and its origin, and that most of them are taken from those concerning the concept of courtesy. It can be said that these are representative features in that the idea of punishment in the code is based on the concept of courtesy. Moreover, among the citations of Confucian in the Soui, iljunholye(一准乎禮), ‘yejuhyeobo(禮主刑輔)’and ‘deojuhyeobo(德主刑輔)’ are stated as legislative principle that runs through the entire Dangryulsoui. In addition, a reign under the courtesy based on it is expressed as the realization of myeongdeogsinbeol (明德愼罰), yuhyeongsihyul(惟刑是恤), and, the system of courtesy based governing is codified which is greatly divided into feudal order and social status order, which are at the center of the system of courtesy in the Confucian texts dealing with the origin of legislation of each yulmun legislation and constituent of criminal law. As shown from myeongryeyul included in Criminal Code in Goryeosa( 高麗史), though there are principles of punishment, they are less than those of Dangryulsou in terms of the number. Thus, it would be impossible to derive contents of ingyeonggyeolog from it. As reviewed in this study, however, it is also true that the principles of punishment are quite similar to those of myeongryeyul of Dangryulsoui on a bigger scale of the legislation.

10~13세기 동아시아 교역시스템의 추이와 海商 정책 : 宋 · 高麗 · 日本의 海商 관리규정 비교

전영섭(Jun Young Seop) 효원사학회 2009 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.36

This study inquired into the trade system progress of Song, Goryeo, and Japan and the seaborne trade of each country. Hosi(Kwansi) trade as tribute and private existed at the foreign trade in the early period of Tang. Moreover, the Hosi had been controlled under the national management system. In the late period of Tang, however, the development of southern sea trade and triangular trade among the East Asian three countries of the tenth century led to the advent of Sibaksa which was in charge of harbor service. Therefore, The national trade system had been changed into the civilian trade system because of the appearance of Sibaksa. This same kind of trade system change in the Tang and Song equally happened in Goryeo and Japan. The Sibaksa system in Tang Dynasty was superficially operated under the national control trade system, however, was actually operated under the private trade system. In the early period of Goryeo Dynasty, thus, there existed the national control trade system, which was in the form of Sahun trade of Yebinsung foreign trade department. However, from the late period of 12th century there was a shift to private trade system despite the effort of Goryeo Dynasty. In the case of Japanese sea trade management, the national control trade system like administration buying goods in advance existed in the late period of 9th century in Daejaebu, however, it was also changed into the private trade system that government officers, Kuksa, and the wealthy class joined in spite of the central government efforts by 10th century. In brief, the foreign trade system among the East Asian three countries from the 10th to the 13th century changed from Hosi:national control trade system to Sibaksa:private trade system.

당 초기 외래인의 생활과 율령 (상)

전영섭 ( Young Seop Jun ) 중국사학회 2004 中國史硏究 Vol.31 No.-

동아시아 율령네트워크의 형성과 律令體系 : 唐·日本·高麗의 律令格式 비교 연구

전영섭(Jun Young-Seop) 효원사학회 2012 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.41

In this paper the formation of the network according to the statute of the East Asian countries included in the domains considered in Goryeo and Japan as in the Original laws and Import laws and convergence through contact with Tang Dynasty's laws of each country's legal system through analysis of the structure came review your. China's Statute was compiled by the Gaehwang Statute, Jeonggwan Statute, Younghwi Statute and Gaewon 25 years Statute. Statute of the period, separated by a criminal and administrative law as to the compilation, Statute has already been established, partly since it does not change. To amend the Statute, the Statute re-create the former, should be abolished. Statute was compiled in the Goryeo Dynasty. The publication process that follows. King Seongjong accepted the Tang Dynasty's Statute. And the Statute when it is necessary to modify or supplement, respectively, of the Statute to review the content and then respond to it in a variety of provisions that were promulgated in the form. Thus, independent Statute made by the Goryeo Dynasty were determined. Statute of Japan the geungangryeong, daeboryeong, ranging from yangnoryeonge was compiled in the course of a series of. Of this Statute, Statute of the Daebo Statute accepted the Statute of the Tang dynasty, it became independent. Yangnoryeongt is slightly modified and supplemented. Goryeo Dynasty, and Japan accepted the Statute of the Statute of the party, gradually undergoing a process of organizing it is that. This process was the formation of a network of East Asia Statute. For each dynasty, even though there are some differences that period was the middle of the 11th century.

당(唐) 전기(前期) 신분편성원리(身分編成原理)와 직역(職役)

전영섭 ( Young Seop Jun ) 대구사학회 2007 대구사학 Vol.86 No.-

This thesis was about a relation of a social status system composition, theory, and imposing taxes led by Tang dynasty breaking from a ruling class logic that was generalized to an order for ruling in Yangchun(良賤) system and noticing a social point of view on a mechanism of social unity recently. A social system in Tang dynasty consisted of dual structures which were Wangong(王公)-Kwanin(官人)-Yi(吏)-Baksung(百姓)-Chunin(賤人) and Wangong-Kwanin-Youye(流外) or Jabyip(雜任)-Seoin(庶人). The dual status structures were inherent in an each different formation theory. The former showed a political status formation that led to a division of labor founded owning jobs according to people`s social status reformed mandate social status(Baksung) and a bureaucrat group was posted at the top in order to govern them. In other words, a ruling class(Wangong-Kwanin-Yi) and class under the control(Baksung-Kwansachunin 官私賤人) were strictly divided at that time. Therefore, a social status order such as Wangong-Kwanin-Yic-Baksung-Chunin was a mechanism of a social and lawful·political status combination. However, the latter was about a bureaucrat inner status formation governing a class under the control(Baksung·Chunin) among a social status order such as Wangong-Kwanin-Yi-Baksung-Chunin. This inner status formation functioned a politeness system or politeness order as a normative principle that forced each status class consisted in a bureaucrat group to obey Kings and be imposed an authority in the social status order such as Wangong-Kwanin-Youye or Jabyip-Seoin. Among this unique status formation in Tang dynasty, the social status order, Wangong-Kwanin-Yi-Baksung-Chunin, was directly related to status and imposing taxes. Each social status had considerably different imposing taxes, however, the strict standard dividing status was a statute labor assigned to person that meant a correspondance between status and statute labor in the Earlier Period of Tang dynasty.

10세기 전후 동아시아 교역체제의 변동과 내륙도시 長安

전영섭(Jun Young-Seop) 부산경남사학회 2011 역사와 경계 Vol.78 No.-

본고는 10세기 전후 ‘호시체제에서 시박사체제로’라는 동아시아 교역시스템의 변동 속에서 그 외연에 있는 내륙도시의 동향에 대하여 舊都 長安이 포함되어 있는 陝西 京兆府의 戶口실태와 인구이동을 중심으로 고찰하였다. 호시체제시기 중국의 戶口는 전체적으로 증가하였고, 또 북방지역이 중심이었다. 이 시기 京兆府가 속한 州(道ㆍ路ㆍ省)와 경조부의 호구수의 비율을 보면, 주(도ㆍ로ㆍ성)는 전체의 약10% 내외였고, 경조부는 주(도ㆍ로ㆍ성)의 약50~60%였다. 시박사체제시기의 戶口는 五代의 급격한 감소를 제외하고는 전체적으로 완만한 곡선을 그리면서 지속적으로 증가하였다. 이 시기 京兆府의 인구는 五代에서 北宋 徽宗 崇寧 원년(1102)에 이르기까지 지속적으로 감소하였고, 金ㆍ元代는 격감하였다. 시박사체제시기 陝西 지역 전체의 호구수에서 경조부의 그것이 차지하는 비율은, 州(道ㆍ路ㆍ省)는 전체의 약5~6%로서(최하는 원대의 0.6%) 호시체제 시기보다 비중이 약5% 정도 감소하였다. 호시체제시기 인구이동은 唐과 주변지역 간의 이동이 중심이었다. 여기에는 ‘내륙[陸域]권’으로 대표되는 호시체제시기의 특징이 집약되어 있다. 이 시기는 정치ㆍ경제의 중심이 내륙[陸域]권’에 있었다(육로경제권). 따라서 이 시기 대외교역은 육상루트(실크로드)에 초점이 두어져 있었다. 이러한 호시체제시기 唐에 들어와서 적극적으로 교역활동에 종사한 것이 商胡로 불리는 소그드인이었다. 이들의 주된 활동무대는 長安을 포함한 京兆府 지역이었다. 시박사체제시기(10세기초~13세기) 경조부의 인구는 戰爭移民(五代)과 饑饉流民(北宋 초) 등에 의한 유출이 일반적이었고, 유입된 사례는 보이지 않는다. 그 결과 경조부지역의 호구는 감소하였다. 宋金ㆍ宋元대치시기 陝西 지역은 매년 대규모 전쟁이 진행됨으로써 그 중심부에 있던 京兆府 지역은 流民이 대량 발생하였고, 이에 따라 이 지역의 戶口는 급속히 감소하였다. 또한 이 시기 京兆府의 인구감소는 상업의 쇠퇴와 밀접한 연관이 있었다. 이를 잘 나타내주는 것이 이 시기 주변 이민족, 그 가운데 외래상인의 유입이 거의 보이지 않는 점이다. 이 시기에는 육로무역이 쇠퇴하고 그 대신 海路를 통한 商船무역이 발전하였다. 해로를 통해 유입된 海商의 주된 활동지역은 廣州ㆍ楊洲ㆍ泉州 등 해항도시였다. 이에 따라 국가전반의 시스템도 해상교역체제를 중심으로 운영되었다. 이러한 상황에서 長安을 포함한 京兆府 지역은 급격하게 쇠퇴하였고, 인구도 지속적으로 南遷하였다.

戶婚法을 통해 본 唐宋元과 高麗의 가족질서와 賤人

全永燮(Jun Young-Seop) 부산경남사학회 2007 역사와 경계 Vol.65 No.-

This study found out the family order and a lowly class through out the comparison and analysis of marriage and family register law in Dang, Song, Won and Koryo. For this study, I drew the characteristics by the comparison and analysis of a status system underlined by formations and contents of the marriage and family register law and surveyed the family order and a lowly class. The marriage and family register law of Dang were constituted by those of Song, Won, Koryo. The marriage and family register law of Won were succeeded to those of Dang, however, there was a little difference in law items and contents compared with Dang. Especially, Won had a way about laws by a unique custom of nomads. The marriage and family register law of Koryo had been influenced by Dang and Won and took the way of law details on their own. However, all of formations and contents of the marriage and family register law in Koryo had little affected by Won and more, the details were not succeeded by a unique custom of nomads. In conclusion with above facts, the marriage and family register law were established on those of Dang. The status system of Dang, Song, Won and Koryo had also each difference in case of law headings and forms. A social status system in Won period had laws related to gisaeng on their own, and an approval of marriage with Yangin and slaves were appeared during the period. The status system the marriage and family register law showed in Koryo had a few distinctive marks. First, the influence of Dang, Song, and Won showed in the matter of a progeny law which was a big affected by Won. Second, a unique social status was also found. The elder with high status was absolutely recognized comparison with the younger with low status in family order of Dang period. This absolute recognition was adapted to the same case of wives and concubines as well as men and women. This is showed that the family order was based on patriarchy order which was closely connected with a courtesy order and even adapted to relations with Yangin and lowly men in family. Lowly men were excluded from a courtesy order. The social position of a lowly class in patriarchy family order got rooted in Dang period had been a lot changed in Won period. Many laws related to the patriarchy family order of Dang period mainly became extinct in Won period and more, the law of a lowly class had a big difference compared to the previous periods. In Won period, people could exercise dominion over slaves without restraints so that Won period was a totally different society with Dang, Song period appeared on patriarchy family orders based of courtesy order. The whole formations and contents of its law were almost as same of Dang period in the relation with family order and a lowly class of Koryo. And the family order of Koryo period showed the patriarchy order based on the courtesy order as same as Dang's. In short, a lowly class in Koryo was excluded from courtesy order in relation to countries as well as family order and further, daily life.