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During the 2002 FIFA Worldcup Korea/Japan, millions of Korean enthusiastically participated with `street support` on every Korea Team match day. They wore same red shirts inscribed `Be The Reds`, shouting "Tae - Han Min Guk" together with no violence, which attracted the world attentions. This paper defines `Red Devils Syndrome` named in those days as `popular ritual`, and tries to explain by way of Durkheimian cultural sociology. In modern Korea, popular ritual is distinguished from both national and Min-Jung rituals. The national ritual, including the national ceremony of official conventions, was performed on the purpose of national integration, which conjures up the memories of resistance nationalism in Japanese colonial period. But it does not work any longer because official nationalism is identified with the ideology of military dictatorship. On the other hand, Min-Jung ritual was performed through democratization movements against military dictatorship. It contributed to forming solidarity within participants. But it`s moral legitimacy was dependent only on the opposition to `immoral state`. As the confrontation of Min-Jung against the state was rapidly gone away according to the democratization of Korea, Min-Jung ritual has been no less liberative than the national one. So I suggest another sphere of secular ritual named popular ritual. Red Devils Syndrome is adequately explained from the point of popular ritual. At the first glance, the syndrome was supported by the government and amplified by mass media, or, at most, one of the expressions of sports nationalism. But this syndrome brought about unexpected results, e.g., voluntary participation, civil responsibility, and open patriotism, which are only possible after the change of nation/state ideas. Those who participated with street support changed their heart and mind through the ritual practice. First, the leaders of Red Devils succeeded in deploying supporting means, which was carefully selected out of the symbols of national/Min-Jung rituals. Then, they switched old national/Min-Jung codes into popular ones aiming for cultural openness. Second, most participants with street support pursued decentralized culture coming from the following two sources: (1) traditional folk culture pursuing the coexistence of oppositions, (2) modern internet culture formed through interactive communication in cyberspace. They reformed themselves through the collective effervescence of mass support into voluntary citizens overcoming authoritarianism by national education.
In terms of what the modern Korean`s consciousness has been constructed under the influence of Confucianism, it is axiomatic that the cultural habits of Korean society has reinforced the pattern of behavior rooted on familism to its members. But there are no research materials which refer to the origin of Korean familism. Focusing on its discourse, this paper attempts to explain how Korean familism was linked to the modern cultural habits. Japanese familism was a conservative reaction. It was build through the conflict with individualism based on the intellectual atmosphere after Meiji Restoration. Enactment of westernized `new civil law` made conservative leaders uneasy. They worried that individualism made the loyalty to Tenn( Q 1) weaken. So they tries to diffuse familism as counter-discourse. But the formation of Korean familism discourse is contrary to Japanese case. Protestant leaders of the late Chosun Dynasty put emphasis on the dismantling traditional familism, but Confucian reformists` thought was different. They agreed with Protestant leaders that family-centered interest should be renovated, but did not abandon the idea that family value was valid as ever. Confucian reformists(Park Un-Shik, Shin Chae-Ho, Ch?g In-Bo) tried to convert family-centered interest into the loyalty to nation-state. They revitalized the reform-oriented ethics of Confucianism into a foundational idea for modern nationalistic movements. Ironically contributions of Korean familism become now the roots of modern societal problems. Not to speak of bureaucratic corruptions and cronyism, the imagination of reformational movements is confined to the language of familism. But Undervaluing historical experience of familism is not helpful to overcome it.
The optimal operation condition of gasifier is one of the most important parameters to increase efficiency and reliability in IGCC plant. Also the prediction of the syngas composition and quantity must be predicted to carry out process design of the gasification plant. However, the gasifier process licensor are protective with information on process design and optimal gasifier design conditions. So, the most of process studies in the engineering company for gasification plant have carried out to look for key parameters and optimal design conditions using several prediction methods. In this paper, we present the estimated preliminary optimal operation condition of the 300MW Demonstration Entrain Flow Gasifier using Aspen Plus. The gasifier operation temperature considering slag flow was predicted by FactSage software and Annen Model.
분류층 가스화기에서 가스화기 운전 온도는 슬래그의 원활한 배출과 가스화기 성능 등에 영향을 미친다. 가스화기 운전온도는 또한, 석탄 및 산소 소비량에도 영향을 미쳐 궁극적으로는 가스화 플랜트의 주요 설비 용량을 결정하는 주요 요인중의 하나이다. 가스화기 운전 온도가 일정수준 이상으로 증가할 경우 냉가스 효율이 저하되고 가스화 성능에 약 영향을 미친다. 본 논문에서는 Coal 및 Flux 공급장치, 슬래그 배출장치 당의 구성을 설명하고 Flux 투입량에 따른 슬래그 Tcv, 가스화기 성능 등을 예측하였다. 또한, 300MW IGCC 실증 가스화플랜트 엔지니어링을 위한 예비단계로 석회석 투입에 따른 Flux 공급장치를 포함한 Feeding 설비 용량, 슬래그처리설비 용량, 가스화기 내부 및 출구 적정온도를 예측하였다.