임진왜란 발발기의 관군(官軍)과 의병(義兵)- 당파적 인식의 청산을 위하여 -

이태진 ( Tae Jin Yi ) 경상대학교 남명학연구소 2014 남명학연구 Vol.41 No.-

임진왜란에 대한 인식에는 당파적 성향이 강하다. 전란이 일어나기 9년 전(1583)에 栗谷 李珥가 10만 양병을 주장한 것, 1590-91년 通信使 일행의 보고가 正使, 副使 간에 서로 달랐던 것에 대한 논란이 대표적이다. 두 가지는 이 시대 역사 인식에 큰 영향을 줄 수 있는 것인데도 객관적 분석, 판단보다도 분쟁적 측면이 필요이상으로 강조되는 경향이 있다. 당시 사대부들은 心性 도야를 중시하는 性理學者들이었다. 따라서 공과 사를 분명히 가리고, 강한 是非之心을 가졌다. 조정에 나아와서는 聖聰, 곧 군주의 옳은 판단을 이끄는 데 기여하는 것을 사명으로 삼아, 정사를 논할 때 자신의 견해를 엄정하게 표현하는 한편, 동료의 진언에 잘못이 보이면 지위 고하를 막론하고 논척하였다. 그러나 상대의 논변이 설득력이 있거나 실제의 사세에서 자신의 견해가 잘못된 것을 발견하면 이를 인정하기를 미덕으로 삼았다. 10만 양병설이나 통신사 보고 건에 관한 오늘날의 대척적 인식은 사실은 당대 관련자들 사이의 인식보다도 더 과장된 면이 없지 않다. 이 글은 당대의 관련 기록에 근거하여 후대의 부정적 윤색을 걷어내어 바른 지식과 인식을 확보하는 데 기여하고자 한다. 栗谷 李珥의 10만 양병제안, 鶴峰 金誠一의 의병 招諭의 역할, 西厓 柳成龍의 관군 재건의 공로를 주요 논제로 한다. The factional recognition is particularly strong on two facts below relating to the Toyotomi`s invasion to Korea in 1592. First, Yi-I (李珥), Minister of Military Affairs, suggested to raise 100,000 soldiers for the security of national defense in 1583, 9 years before the invasion, Second, Hwang Yun-kil(黃允吉), the Senior Envoy and Kim Seong-Il(金誠一), the Deputy Envoy of the Embassy to Japan in 1590, who were belong to different faction, presented different prospect on the possibility of invasion in each return report. Bothe cases`s disputable aspects which could affect the right recognition of the history at that time were improperly emphasized more than objective analysis or judgement by the factional bias in the later period. The literati including the high-ranking government officials at that time were Neo-Confucians who considered the cultivation of mind for the right judgement important in order to support the royal rule pursuing the equity. Therefore, official and private matters were distinguished cleary in their mental world and they had strong intend to judge right and wrong(是非之心). In government, focusing on following the right judgements of the king when discussed government affairs, subjects had to express their own opinions strictly. On the other hands, when they found wrongs from their colleagues` advises, they argued regardless of their titles or positions. However, when subjects considered it a merit to accept other`s persuasive opinion or their advises` defaults. The opposite recognitions shown from cases of raising 100,000 soldiers and reports from the senior and deputy envoys of the Embassy to Japan in 1590 were rather exaggerated somehow than the actual state in the later periods. This paper talks about the two topics to recover the correct history.

A Historical Reading of the Tale of Ch'unhyang/ Lecture

이태진 ( Yi¸ Tae-jin ) 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2003 Seoul journal of Korean studies Vol.16 No.-

Zinc titanate 탈황제의 재생 반응성 연구

이태진 ( Tae Jin Lee ),박노국 ( No Kuk Park ),이창근 ( Chang Kun Yi ),권원태 ( Won Tae Kwon ) 한국화학공학회 1996 화학공학의이론과응용 Vol.2 No.2

휴전고 (畦田考) - 통일신라 · 고려시대 수도작법의 유추

이태진 ( Tae Jin Yi ) 일지사 1978 韓國學報 Vol.4 No.1

고종 황제가 경운궁(慶運宮)을 세운 뜻 -극일(克日)과 대청(對淸) 독립 의지-

이태진 ( Tae Jin Yi ) 택민국학연구원 2012 국학연구론총 Vol.0 No.10

경운궁은 고종시대의 서양 신문명 수용의 의지뿐 아니라, 일본의 침략 앞에 특히 왕비시해 사건 이후 극일의 의지를 담으면서 對淸자주 독립의 3중주 속에 대한제국의 본궁으로 거듭났다. 그렇다면 경운궁은 근대국가 수립의 역사적 현장으로서 기리고 보존되어야 할 곳이다. 그런데 지금은 그 이름조차수궁으로 바뀌어 있고 원구단을 비롯해 주변의 주요 건축물들이 훼손되거나 망실의 위기에 처해 있다. 가장 상징성이 높은 원구단은 일본인들이 1908년부터 황실(궁내부) 소유에서 국유재산으로 바꾸어 통감부가 마음대로 처리할 수 있는 조건을 만든 다음 1913년에 마침내 이를 헐고 그 자리에 철도호텔을 지었다. 이 행위는 원구단 이전에 있던 청국 칙사들의 숙소인 남 별궁으로의 환치였다. 즉 조선에 대한 새로운 종주국인 일본제국의 고관들이 경부선을 타고 경성으로 와서 머무는 초현대식숙소로 만든 것이었다. 경운궁을 중심으로 한 貞洞일원의 공간은 대한제국의 근대화의 의지와 청국, 일본으로부터의 압박을 벗어나 자주 독립국으로 자리 잡기 위한 노력으로 가득 채워졌던 곳이다. 일본 침략주의가 그 의지를 꺾고 대한제국을 마침내 일본에 병합해 버린 폭력의 역사가 서린 곳이기도 하다. 20세기 극 초기에 빚어진 이 폭력의 역사는 아직도 한일 간에 청산되지 않은 과제로 남아 있다. 경운궁과 정동은 19세기 말, 20세기 초의 한국의 서양 신문명 수용의 근원지라는 문화사적 향기가 풍기는 곳이지만 한편으로 제국주의를 모방한 일본의 팽창주의의 발길이 어지럽게 깔려 있는 공간으로서 한국인의 기억에 남아 있다. 후자의 기억은 일본만이 바꾸어 놓을 수 있는 것이므로 일본인들의 이 공간에 대한 진정한 반성이 있기를 바라마지 않는다. Gyeong`un Palace became the main palace of the Great Han Empire(Korean Empire), with three aims of relations with China, self-reliance, and independence, expressing determination not only to embracing new civilization of the West, but also to overcome Japan after the Japanese invasion to Korea, especially, after the assassination of Empress Myong-Seong during the reign of King Gojong. This makes Gyeong`un Palace as a place to be commemorated and preserved as a historic site of the establishment of a modern state. Nonetheless, even the name was changed to Deoksu Palace (Deoksugung), and the Wongudan Heaven Altar and other major architectures surrounding it were destroyedeokor are on the verge of loss. As for the Wongudan Heaven Altar, the most symbolic icon, the Japanese changed its status as a property owned by the state from one owned by the Department of the Royal Household in order to leave the property at the Residency-General`s disposal. Then, they finally tore it down to build the Railroad Hotel in 1913 on the spot. It was a return to Nambyeolgung, where royal envoys from Ching Dynasty stayed before the Wongudan Heaven Altar. In other words, they built an ultra modern accommodation where high-ranking officials from the Empire of Japan, the new colonial ruler of Joseon Korea, came to Seoul by the Gyeongbu line train and stayed. The space of the whole Jeong-dong area centering on Gyeong`un Palace is a place, which was filled with the Great Han Empire`s strong will to modernize and struggles to establish itself as a self-reliant independent nation, breaking away from pressures from Ching Dynasty and Japan. Also, it is the place where the history of violence took place, when the aggression policy of Japan broke down the will of the Great Han Empire and annexed it into Japan. The history of violence, which took place in the very early 20th century, still remains as an unresolved old issue between Korea and Japan. Gyeong`un Palace and Jeong-dong are places with cultural historic scent of the original place where Korea embraced new civilization from the West in the late 19th century and early 20th century. On the other hand, in Koreans` memory, it is a place where expansionism by Japan, which imitated imperialism, left its footprints scattered all over the place. Since the memory of the latter can only be changed by Japan, I sincerely hope that Japanese have an authentic appreciation of the space.

고종황제의 毒殺과 일본정부 首腦部

李泰鎭(Yi Tae-jin) 역사학회 2009 역사학보 Vol.0 No.204

Emperor Kojong died suddenly and unexpectedly on january 21, 1919, at his residence at T?ksu Palace(formerly Ky?ng-un Palace). The retired Korean emperor had shown no sign of any serious illness before he passed away. His sudden death immediately triggered rumors that he had been poisoned by the japanese, and wall posters to that effect circulated throughout the city of Seoul, The national funeral for the deceased emperor was scheduled to take place on March 3, 1919. Indignant and grief-stricken at the story that their former emperor had been murdered by the Japanese, people began to congregate in front of T?ksu Palace to mourn his death. It was this multitude who started peaceful, non-violent demonstrations in the streets of Seoul, touching off what is now known as the March First Movement in Korea, and ushering in a new era in the Korean nationalist movement. Incredibly, in spite of the widely circulated rumor that Emperor Kojong was poisoned by the japanese, no serious report or investigation of the circumstances surrounding his death has ever been made, either in Korea or in Japan, from his death to the present day. Nor was there ever an autopsy of his dead body. With the poisoning story circulating so widely among the Korean people, it would have made common sense for the Japanese authorities to investigate Kojong's death, if only to remove the cloud of suspicion hovering over them. But the Japanese Governor-General's Office of Korea did absolutely nothing to answer any questions about Kojong's sudden demise, nor has there ever been any other attempt, public or private, to look into his abrupt death. Instead, the death of Emperor Kojong has remained unresolved and shrouded in mystery, and has by now all but faded into oblivion in historical memories. Existing sources and new evidence, however, reveal a shocking story behind the sudden death of Emperor Kojong. An examination of the diary of Yun Ch'i-ho and the recently revealed diary of Kuratomi Y?zabur?(1853-1948), has led us to conclude that Emperor Kojong was indeed poisoned, and that, to our surprise, the highest Japanese government officials were implicated in this heinous crime. Yun Ch'i-ho's diary provides a graphic depiction of how the Emperor died by poisoning. And then, in the diary of Kuratomi Y?zabur?, an existing ministry of the Japanese Imperial Household Office in 1919, we find the statements that no lesser personalities than Terauchi Masatake, the prime minister of Japan till just four months prior to Kojong's death, and Hasegawa Yoshimichi, the incumbent governor-general of Korea, may have been behind in the assassination of Emperor Kojong. To summarize the information culled from his diary, Kuratomi learned in late October and early November 1919 of statements that Emperor Kojong had been killed by poison; that Min Py?ng-s?k, Yun T?k-y?ng, and Song Py?ng-jun may have been the culprits; and that Terauchi Masatake and Hasegawa Yoshimichi were alleged to have been implicated initiating this criminal act. Prime Minister Terauchi's suspicious actions against the Korean royal family had shawn up just after President Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points Proposal for peace in Europe, which included a clause calling for "self-determination" of peoples under alien rule on January 8 1918.

사림파의 (士林派) 유향소 (留鄕所) 복립운동 (復立運動) (하) - 조선초기 성리학 (性理學) 정착의 사회적 배경 -

이태진 ( Tae Jin Yi ) 진단학회 1973 진단학보 Vol.- No.35

사림파의 (士林派) 유향소 (留鄕所) 복립운동 (復立運動) (상) - 조선초기 성리학 (性理學) 정착의 사회적 배경 -

이태진 ( Tae Jin Yi ) 진단학회 1972 진단학보 Vol.- No.34

고려말 조선초의 사회변화

이태진 ( Tae Jin Yi ) 진단학회 1983 진단학보 Vol.- No.55

요시다 쇼인(吉田松陰)과 도쿠토미 소호(德富蘇峰) -근대 일본 한국 침략의 사상적 기저(基底)-

이태진 ( Tae Jin Yi ) 서울대학교 국사학과 2014 韓國史論 Vol.60 No.-

The Ch`oshyu-han(長州藩) is rated among the most powerful factions of the Meiji Revolution in the modern Japanese history. Yoshida Shoin was the teacher who had cultivated a large number of low class samurai from the Ch`oshyu-han, the revolution`s leading group. He was charged with the anti-Bakufu activities and sentenced to death in 1859 when he was 30 years old. However his doctrines on the Japan`s future was inherited by his disciples as the guide line of the Meiji Revolution posthumously. His idea on Japan`s surviving the new wave of presence of Western Powers was so much aggressive argued the best policy on it at hisarticles, Yushyuroku(幽囚록), Yukonroku(幽魂록) and others. He argued that the Japan`s geographical condition was completely changed with the presence of steamboats beforehand in the nineteenth century. In the times of sailboats the sea surrounding Japan on every side was functioned as the wall against the outside world. The steamboat development changed Japan into the open country which had no defensive wall. In order to overcome this handicap Japan should seize the surrounding countries including Taiwan, Korea, and Manchuria even the Kamch`aka peninsula ahead of Western Powers. He also insisted that Japan must replace the half-centralized Bakufu governance by the full-centralized state of the Emperor for the purpose of being a strong country against the Western Power. Most of his doctrines had been carried out as the expansionism of the Meiji government by his disciplines who became the political and military leaders, as like Kito Takayoshi(木戶孝允), Ito Hirobumi (伊藤博文), Yamakata Aritomo (山縣有朋), and etc. The Chino-Japanese War was a momentum that brought his doctrines into practice. Journalist Tokutorni Soho(德富蘇峰), who had devoted in the civil rights movement before the War, played the role of carrying on propaganda of the Yoshita`s ideas on a large scale utilizing his newspaper Kokumin Shinbung(國民新聞) and writing books on him, He turned a fascist demagogue with the writings on Yoshida Shyoin since the Russo-Japanese War in 1904. He was also deeply intervened with establishment of colonial governance on Korea before and after the Japan`s Annexation of Korea in 1910. He had kept the close relations with Prime Minister Katsura Taro(桂太랑) and Governor-General Terauch Masatake (寺內正毅), who were from Ch`osyu-han faction. Japanese historians have usually interpreted that the invasion policies during the meiji period were inevitably results from the changes of the international political circumstance. This paper aims to criticize this kind of interpretation, which is not only the self-justification but merely the distortion of history.