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The purpose of this paper is to analyze the Chinese financial crisis during the period or 1932-1935. Two aspects of the Chinese financial crisis deserve clarification: The characteristics of the crisis which occured in a semi-feudalistic and semi-colonial economy and its relation to Western Power's monetary war' against Chinese economy under silver standard. The Great Depression of 1929 triggered a great shock wave through China which had been already integrated into world capitalist economy. In China the economic panic, however, had not begun until 1932 when the Great Depression hit the bottom. The fact that China began to be affected by the economic panic as much as 2 years later than most other capitalist countries can be accounted for by the fact that China was on silver-standard while advanced capitalist countries were gold-standard. The price level of China under silver-standard was subject to both the fluctuations of silver prices in London and New York silver markets and the Price changes in the United States, England and Japan. During the period from 1929 to 1931 the silver prices fell more rapidly than the world-wide general price level. The silver price in New York market fell 40.8% whereas the wholesale price in the United States dropped 23.4%. And the silver price in London market fell 34.9%, whereas the wholesale price in England dropped 23.7%. Thus, the price level of China, rose. The wholesale price index in Shanghai rose from 104 in 1929 to 126.7 in 1931. And the inflow of silver to China brought down the rate of interest. These enabled the indigenous commercial businesses and firms in harbor cities including Shanghai to enjoy abnormal and fictitious prosperity. The amount of bill taken by the banks in Shanghai, for example, rose from 47 million yuan(元) to 60 million yuan(元). However, the rise of silver price which began from 1931, turned the tables. Silver price which had been falling since twenties began to rise from September 1931, when England abandoned the gold-standard and further rose due to silver policy of the United States in 1934. The silver price in London silver market rose from 14.59 pence per ounce in 1931 to 21.20 pence in 1934. The rise of silver prices in the world markets resulted in the fall of the price level and worsening of the agricultural crisis in China, which led to industrial crisis. The wholesale price index in Shanghai fell from 112.4 in 1932 to 90.5 in July 1935. As rising silver price caused the overvaluation of China's foreign exchange, farm products export in 1932 fell to 63% of that in 1930. And farm products export in 1934 when Chinese financial crisis culminated, fell to 43% of that in 1930, The withering of rural markets caused the devastation of industries. Though there was difference between agricultural crisis and industrial one in that the former had its roots in the breakdown of agricultural production while the latter occurred against the background of prosperity of 1929-31, the two crises were interrelated through the medium of silver crisis. And rising silver price resulted in the substantial outflow of silver, bringing about financial crisis and collapse of silver standard. The amount of silver outflow from China rose from 10 million yuan(元) in 1932 to 257 million yuan(元) in 1935. The amount of silver outflow in 1935 was 7.8% of silver stock and one third of the amount of currency in circulation. Thus most of the small and medium banks went banktrupt. Nanking government responded to this crisis with the introduction of "legal tender system"(法幣制度) in 1935. The newly introduced monetary system can be said to be an improvement since it got rid of some disadvantages of the silver standard. The Nanking Government controlled the issue of banknotes and required banks to have adequate reserves in the form of silver bar, coin, or foreign exchange, usually up to two-thirds of the amount of banknotes in circulation. After the monetary reform of 1935, Nanking government accelerated the issue of banknotes. The interest rates were cut down and the exchange rates was stabilized. The Chinese economy recovered from the chronic depression and showed signs of prosperity during the 1936∼37. But the monetary reform did not foster the development of Chinese capitalist economy. Through this process, the stage was set for the accumulation of the "bureaucratic capital"(官僚資本), a special form of monopoly capital in China. Meanwhile Nanking Government, enraged by the silver policy of the U.S., depreciated purposely its currency vis-a-vis both dollar and yen. The U.S., finding herself in a disadvantageous position in trade and investment, concluded silver agreement with China in 1936. Nanking government took the occasion to announce the supplementary policies to the monetary reform and declared the independency of her monetary system. However, this "legal tender system"(法幣制度), designed by Sir Fredric Leith-Ross, chief economic adviser to British government, was destined to be influenced by the monetary policy of the United States. On the basis of above analysis it can be con cluded the economic crisis China encountered during the period of 1932-35 represents neither a simple over-production panic nor a feudalistic economic crisis but a special from of panic which comprised an over-production in urban areas and under-production in rural areas and that the two different economic crises in urban and rural areas were interrelated and aggrevated by the silver crisis caused by the United States' massive purchase of silver, artificial rise of silver price, and accerlerated outflow of silver from China under silver standard,
It is well-known that the spinning machine and the steam engine of the second half on the 18th century turned Britain into the workshop of the world. At about the same time such epoch-making machines were introduced to Germany. But Germany showed an exceedingly low level of industrialisation in the early 19th century. Hans Mottek has pointed out five reasons for the relatively slow industrialisation of Germany: 1) serfdom and guild restrictions, 2) the existence of a large number of virtually sovereign states, 3) British influence, 4) the Napoleonic Wars, and 5) French occupation. Regarding British influence, W.O. Henderson stated : "But some German historians have failed to acknowledge the debt which early German industry owed to British machinery and technical skill". It is little doubt that Germany benefited from British industrial experience. But it was not by British goodwill that technical knowledge spread from Britain to Germany. In Britain several acts were passed to prohibit the export of many machines, models, drawings, and immigration of skilled workers. Heavy penalties were imposed upon those who defied the laws. On the other hand, British competition proved to be toe strong and arrested the economic progress of Germany. In respect of French occupation, J.H. Clapham stated: "The Rhine provinces had the great advantage of having been for many years in French occupation". It is true that the French freed the German peasantry. In the territories that Napoleon occupied, serfdom and feudalism were abolished. But German people did not feel particularly grateful to the French because of the burdens of French taxation and military levies. Moveover, French troops were to remain in Prussia till it had paid the indemnity France demanded. That indemnity was fixed at such a figure that the Prussians could never pay it off. Henderson and Clapham had made a most interesting contribution to the "Reasons" debate. However, it could not be denied that Mottek's main conclusions has validity.
幼學은 조선시대 職役의 하나로서, 당시 양반들의 직역으로 가장 많이 것이 바로 이 유학이었다. 따라서 유학은 당시에 있어서 중요 신분집단 중의 하나였다고 할 수 있다. 특히 유학은 기본적으로 修學集團이었다는 점에서 교육사에 있어서도 중요한 의의를 갖는다. 그러나 그 동안 유학에 대한 연구가 조선후기 쪽으로 치중되었던 관계로 이들에 관한 기초 연구가 이루어지지 않아 이들에 대한 이해에 어려움을 겪고 있는 실정이다. 본 연구는 이 점을 감안하여 조선전기 유학에 대하여 다루었다. 연구의 결과에 따르면, 유학이라는 호칭이 등장한 시기는 고려말 충숙왕 1년(1314)∼공민왕 20년(1371)으로 추정되며, 그 어원은 「맹자」의 "幼而學之 壯而欲行之" 구절로 단정할 수 있다. '유학'은 곧 장래에 관직을 기약하면서 수학하고 있음을 나타내는 호칭으로서 그 자체가 유교적 이념에도 부합되었고, 과거공부를 합리화시킴으로써 당시 사회에 수용될 수 있었다. 유학의 개념은 대체로 '관직이 없고 과거에도 합격하지 않은 양반'으로 규정할 수 있으며, 이 유학에는 성균관의 생원ㆍ진사를 제외한 모든 학교 학생이 해당되었다. 조선전기의 유학은 과거제를 전제로 한 호칭이었다. 당시 양반들은 궁극적으로 이러한 호칭을 면해야만 했고 이를 위해 科擧에 매달리지 않을 수 없었다. 이것은 당시 사회가 과거 어느 때보다도 科擧志向의 사회였음을 의마하는 것이었다. 또한 유학이라는 호칭에 내재된 이념적 지향상 이들은 교화적 기능을 수행할 수 있는 집단으로 인식됨으로써 처음부터 교화 요원으로 활용하기 위해 이 유학집단을 조성했던 것으로 생각된다. 당시에 일단 관직을 얻게 되거나 생원ㆍ진사만 되어도 현실에 안주하려 함으로써 학업에 등한시 했었다는 점을 감안할 때, 유학은 교육에 대한 열의가 가장 강했던 집단이었다고 할 수 있다. 유학은 당시 교육인구의 大體였던 것이다. This study aims to identify such basic items about 'Young Learners(幼學)' in early Yi-Dynasty as the period of appearance, etymology, the background of usage, concept, social images, and the relationships with school, civil examination and enlightenment(敎化). 'Young Learners' was one of the most fundamental status-groups, symbolizing the status of noble men(兩班). The conclusions of the study are as follows : 1. The title of 'Young Learners' began to be used at the end of Goryeo. 2. The word of 'Young Learners' was originated from the Works of Mencius, especially from the passage "to learn when young (幼而學)". 3. The title 'Young Learners' could be received not only because it corresponded to the ideals of Confucianism, but because it rationalized the act of studying for the civil examination. 4. 'Young Learners' stood for the noble men who did not become an officials and pass the civil examination yet. 5. The students of schools except the esquires enrolled in the highest institution(成均館) were involved in 'Young Learners'. 6. 'Young Learners' was the title assuming the system of civil examination. 7. It is supposed that 'Young Learners' group should be created as the agents who were expected to carrying out enlightenment. 8. As they were not regarded as men of ability, which might be confirmed through passing the civil exam, they were usually ignored by the people in that time. 9. As for education, they were the most enthusiastic group of all, while both the offficials and the esquires were comparatively indifferrent to education. So they might be regarded as the core of learning population in that age.
한나라의 흥망성쇠는 그 시대의 청소년을 보면 알 수 있다고 하듯이 한 국가의 운명은 기초체력의 증진이 빠른 청소년에게 달려 있다고 볼 수 있다. 따라서 생활 여건이나 학습 환경이 비교적 서로 다른 주간부 학생과 야간부 학생의 체력을 비교 검토하여 이 두 집단의 신체적 기능을 조사 분석하여서 체력향상이 국민체력의 기저가 됨을 인식시키고 체육을 생활화, 습성화 시키고 현재 체육수업의 문제점을 구체적이고 정확한 처방으로 학습환경을 개선시키고자 하는데 있다.