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        시간 지연이 있는 시스템에서의 PID 제어기 설계를 위한 루프 형성 기법

        윤성오,서병설,Yun Seong o,Suh Byung suhl 한국통신학회 2004 韓國通信學會論文誌 Vol.29 No.10C

        시간 지연이 있는 시스템에서의 최적 제어 이득은 시간 지연이 없는 시스템에서 설계된 최적 제어 이득과 지연 시간에 대하여 계산된 상태천이 함수의 곱의 형태로 나타난다. 따라서 시간 지연이 없는 시스템에 대하여 PID제어기의 영점들을 플랜트의 최대 극점에 근접하도록 가중치 요소 Q와 R을 선택하여 최적 제어 이득을 구하고, 시간 지연이 있는 2차 시스템에서의 상태천이 함수를 계산하여 시간 지연이 있는 시스템에서의 강인한 최적 PID 제어기 설계가 가능하도록 하였다. Optimal control gain for time-delay systems is made by an optimal control gain for delay-free systems multiplied by a state transition function for the delay time. The optimal control gain for delay-free systems is obtained by pushing two zeros of the PID controller closely to a larger pole of the second order plant. Thus the optimal tuning of PID controller for time-delay second order system is able to be obtained by calculation for the state transition function.

      • KCI등재

        What Pak Chiwŏn Missed: Tall Tales of the Panchen Lama at Qing Chengde in 1780

        윤성오 한국국제문화교류학회 2023 문화교류와 다문화교육 Vol.12 No.3

        Pak Chiwŏn’s brush talks with the Qing literati documented in his celebrated travelogue, Yŏrha Ilgi or Jehol Diary, written after his trip to Qing Chengde in 1780 serves not only as a window on particular episodes that took place during important events, but also a wealth of information on Qing society, culture, and, more important, its people’s ideas, understanding, and perspectives on the overall socio-political issues from ethnic discrimination against the Han Chinese to literary inquisition, a severe censorship on writings. This essay focuses on brush talks concerning Tibetan Buddhism and aims to make sense of the Qing literati’s narratives about the Panchen Lama and what Pak Chiwŏn failed to see. A closer look into the brush talks reveals that the Qing subjects from other parts of the empire outside of the Tibetan region were fixated to their own misunderstanding and imaginations on what Tibetan Buddhism could be which they had forged by squeezing it into the framework of existing discourses in their regions of residence. However, considering the autonomy exercised by the Qing constituents in buying into such narratives about the Tibetan Buddhism and the Lama, it is worth noting that they were making sense of the Qing emperor’s action on their own terms as his constituents. In this essay, I argue that what Pak Chiwŏn missed when he entertained rumor, myth, legend, and tall tale about the Panchen Lama was that the Qing literati had already made a central space for the Qing emperor in their moral universe.

      • KCI등재

        A Disguised Sponsorship for Tenacious Buddhism in Early Chosŏn Korea: Queen Sohye (1437–1504) and the Buddhist Controversy in the Reign of King Sŏngjong

        윤성오 서강대학교 종교연구소 2021 Journal of Korean Religions Vol.12 No.2

        The aim of this essay to indicate factors affecting political decisions concerning Buddhism in King Sŏngjong’s reign (1469–1494). It begins by pointing out that Sŏngjong, long reputed as an exemplary Confucian monarch and known for his particular antipathy to Buddhism, neither had much interest in persecuting the buddha-worshipping religion nor made it his priority to promote Confucianism. In fact, he and his entourage were mainly concerned with maintaining political stability in their regime. Thus, they were aware that if the state severed its ties with Buddhism, they risked losing the support and loyalty of the people under their rule. The Buddhist controversy consisting of four major debates between Queen Sohye, the Buddhist queen mother, and Confucian scholar-officials and students of the Royal Confucian Academy (Sŏnggyun’gwan 成均館) was the site where such concerns and notions were revealed. By closely examining the four rounds of controversy, this essay indicates that the nature of rumor, legitimacy, legality, and the moral universe were at play and analyzes how they influenced, motivated, and pressured the participants as they negotiated for more desirable terms. In this way, we can make sense of why Sŏngjong always tried very hard to find ways to dismiss attempts by Confucian ideologues to disadvantage Buddhism, and to harm Buddhism as little as possible. Finally, this essay argues that in the early Chosŏn period, the state was divorced from Buddhism in a sense that it was not able to freely and directly support and sponsor the religion.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        Liability without Suzerainty: Making Sense of Qing China’s Alarmism during the Korean Trespasser Crisis of 1862-75

        윤성오 고려대학교 한국사연구소 2022 International Journal of Korean History Vol.27 No.2

        The Tongzhi reign (1862-1875) was marked with the Qing officials’ continuous voicing of concerns about Korean trespassing and illegal settlement in Primorsky Krai, part of Russia’s Far Eastern borderland. In fact, the Qing court in Beijing had been taken accountable by the French and American governments for the damage caused by the Chosŏn defense forces when the two Western countries invaded Chosŏn Korea in 1866 and 1871, respectively. The Westerners considered the Qing to be responsible for its tribute state’s acts on the grounds of their tribute relationship. Nevertheless, when Qing China attempted to preemptively spare itself from another diplomatic issue, this time with Russia, by asking both the Chosŏn king and the Russian ambassador to cooperate in repatriating Korean residents in Primorsky Krai, Russia refused to acknowledge China’s tribute relationship with Korea as its “ticket” to intervene in the matter concerning Korean trespassers. Therefore, although the Qing’s alarmism during the Korean Trespasser Crisis of 1862-75 first started for fear of facing another diplomatic issue with another Western imperialist power, Russia, it might not have continued incessantly if it weren’t also the time during which the Qing was taught that its ties with Korea could be but a “liability without suzerainty.” That is, it could be held responsible for its tribute state Chosŏn’s actions but was denied control over Koreans, not to mention unable to directly deal with the issue of Korean trespassers in Russian Far East which were the cause of potential trouble facing the Qing.

      • KCI등재

        해양플랜트 작업환경이 어류분포에 미치는 영향

        윤성오,김형석,류경진,이유원 한국수산해양기술학회 2017 수산해양기술연구 Vol.53 No.4

        The objective of this study was to prove possible effects of a habitable place for fish around semi-submersible drilling rig which measured underwater radiated noise, irradiance distribution of rig's light and conducted experimental fishing in Malaysia territory and observed for distribution of fishes around the rig by ROV during drilling operation in the East Sea of Korea. As a result underwater radiated noise was 130 dB/μPa from 156.25 to 187.50 Hz, irradiance distribution of light was between 21.5 and 43.1 lx. Despite this result, underwater radiated noise was not a threat to fish around rig and low irradiance distribution of light also played a role in the luring influence of the fishes at night. Fish showed up in the beginning of drilling operation and at the end of drilling operation. However, there are few fish in the midst of drilling operation. The main reason for this result was the destruction of the habitable place due to blow out mud and broken pieces of ground formation in drilling hole. The results are expected to contribute to reasonable fishery management around rig. 본 연구는 해양플랜트 특히 반잠수식 시추선이 시추작업 중 주변 해역에 서식하는 해양생물에 미치는 영향에 대한 기초자료를 수집하기 위하여 시추선에서 수중으로 발생되는 방사소음과 선체 주변 방사 조도를 정량적으로 분석하여 시추선 주변에 분포하는 어류에 미치는 영향에 대하여 고찰한 결과는 다음과 같다. 시추선에서 수중으로 방사되는 소음은 시추선의 종류 및 발전기의 용량에 따라 상당한 차이가 있는데, 본 연구에서는 시추작업 시 156.25~187.50Hz에서 130dB/µPa을 나타내었고, 주변 배경소음과 비교하여 31.25~187.50Hz까지 20dB/µPa이상을 나타내어 반잠수식 시추작업 초기에 순간적으로 어류들에게 구집이 일어날 것으로 판단되나, 시추작업 시 발생되는 수중음압이 그렇게 위협적이지 않으므로 구집의 영향은 미미할 것으로 판단된다. 시추선 주변 수면 위 1m 조도는 선수 43.1lx, 선미 32.3lx, 좌현 26.8lx, 우현 21.5lx로 나타났으며, 수심 4m 보다 깊은 곳에서는 조도가 측정되지 않았다. 시추선 주변 방사 조도를 어선의 집어등 조도와 비교하면 약 1.7∼56% 정도로 시추선의 등화가 집어등으로써의 역할을 하기 에는 매우 낮은 광량이지만 시추환경의 특성상 시추선의 등화주변으로 어류가 유집되는 것을 관측할 수 있었다. 통발 시험어구를 이용하여 시추선 주변의 어획특성은 말레이시아 해역에서는 녹줄메가리 Trachurus declivis, 수조기 Nibea albifora 등이 많이 어획되었으며, 동해 시추작업 중에는 살오징어 Todarodes pacificus, 기름가자미 Glyptocephalus stelleri, 보리멸 Sillago sihama 등이 무인잠수정에 다수 관측되었다. 즉, 본 연구는 반잠수식 시추선의 수중소음과 여러 가지 작업 환경에서 오는 요인에도 불구하고 시추선 주변에 다양한 어류가 서식하는 것으로 조사되어 향후 시추작업으로 인한 어업피해 등의 기초자료로 활용될 수 있을 것이다.

      • KCI등재

        A Brutal and Opportunistic yet Pathetic People: The Korean Question in Shenbao’s News Coverage on the Wanbaoshan Incident of 1931

        윤성오 ( Sungoh Yoon ) 서강대학교 동아연구소 2024 東亞 硏究 Vol.43 No.1

        이 논문은 같은 해 만보산 사건 직후 발생한 1931년 식민지 조선의 반중 폭동에 대한 중국 신문 신보의 보도를 살펴봅니다. 청말과 공화당 언론에서 영향력 있는 역할을 한 것으로 유명한 신보는 광범위한 독자층 사이에서 각종 제도 개혁, 국방과 개발, 일본 제국주의 팽창 등 사회적, 정치적 이슈에 대한 토론과 논쟁을 촉진했습니다. 화교 공격 당시 신보는 일련의 에피소드를 파헤치고 실제로 현장에 있었던 사람들의 목소리를 재구성하여 재난과 그 여파를 목격한 사람들의 목소리를 재구성하여 사건을 매우 상세하게 다루었습니다. 이 과정에서 주목할 만한 점은 한국 가해자들을 표현하는 데 다양한 출처를 활용했다는 점입니다. 마치 독자들에게 한국인이 어떤 사람들인지 스스로 판단하게 하거나 이른바 '한국인 문제'를 함께 풀어나가자는 듯, 결과적으로 한국인은 사납고 잔인하며 악랄하고 기회주의적이면서도 신념이 강하고 유연한 사람들로 묘사되었습니다. 물론 신보는 재한 중국인에 대한 잔혹 행위를 용인하거나 묵인할 의도는 없었지만, 폭동으로 피해를 입은 중국인들은 가해자는 없고 피해자만 있는 사건의 피해자가 되었습니다. 폭동 주동자들은 한국인임에도 불구하고 신보의 여러 기사를 통해 자신의 행동에 책임을 질 수 없는 법적 무능력자(금치산자)처럼 구성되었습니다. 따라서 이러한 한국인 가해자 표상은 1930년대 내내 중국인들이 중화민국 내 한국인에 대한 보복과 폭력적 조치를 자제하도록 설득하는 데 기여했을 것으로 추정됩니다. This paper examines the Chinese Newspaper Shenbao’s coverage of the 1931 anti-Chinese riots in Colonial Korea, which happened immediately after the Wanbaoshan Incident in the same year. Shenbao, renowned for its influential role in late Qing and Republican media, facilitated discussions and debates over social and political issues such as reforms of various institutions, national defense and development, and Japanese Imperialist expansion among its broad readership. During the attacks on Overseas Chinese, Shenbao covered the event in great detail by delving into a series of episodes and reconstructing the voices of the people who had actually been on the ground and witnessed the calamity and its aftermath. In so doing, what is worth noting is that a wealth of sources was employed in its representation of the Korean perpetrators. As if letting the readers to judge for themselves what kind of people the Koreans were or solve together the so-called “Korean Question,” Koreans were, as a result, described as fierce, brutal, vicious, opportunistic yet credulous and malleable people. Shenbao, of course, did not intend to tolerate or condone any brutality committed against the Chinese residents in Korea, but the Chinese affected by the riots become victims of an offense with no “offenders.” Although the rioters were Koreans, they were constructed into legal incompetent-like people who could not be held accountable for their actions by Shenbao’s multiple news articles. Hence, it is probable that such a representation of the Korean perpetrators had contributed to convincing the Chinese to refrain from taking retaliatory and violent measures against the Korean residents in Republican China throughout the 1930s.

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