서구의 민주주의 형성 과정에 관한 고찰

劉晶煥 청주대학교 국제문제연구원 1990 國際文化硏究 Vol.7 No.-

프리드리히 A.하이예크(Friedrich A.HAYEK)의 政治思想에 관한 小考

劉晶煥 청주대학교 국제문제연구원 1988 國際文化硏究 Vol.5 No.-

How does hepatic steatosis affect the outcome of patients with chronic hepatitis B?

유정환,이진우 대한간학회 2019 Clinical and Molecular Hepatology(대한간학회지) Vol.25 No.3

청년층의 자발적 이직요인 예측연구: 성별 간 차이 비교를 중심으로

유정환,이지안,이가빈,박성민 경인행정학회 2023 한국정책연구 Vol.23 No.3

The recent supplementary survey of Young Adults conducted in the Economic Activity Population Survey revealed that younger individuals have an average first job tenure of 1 year and 6.8 months. This result suggests that Young Adults tend to leave their organizations and change their jobs shortly right after adapting to their workplaces. These patterns provide a number of significant policy implications for organizations, as the recruitment and training of new employees incur substantial costs in terms of resources and time. Additionally, the younger generation faces considerable economic burdens when leaving their current jobs and re-entering the job market to pursue new opportunities, making this a matter of significant social concerns and problems. With this serious awareness, the current study aims to identify the main factors that could influence young individuals' decisions to change their jobs, as well as to categorize the antecedent variables into individual characteristics, human capital variables, workplace, and job-related variables. Based on these factors, the study aims to predict the voluntary turnover among Young Adults. To conduct empirical analyses, the study intends to utilize both binary logistic regression and the CHAID algorithm-based decision tree model. Recognizing that different social and economic factors may give an impact on job-changing decisions for each gender-based cohort, the study divided the data by gender for a separate analysis. The binary logistic regression analysis confirmed that, for the male group, the probability of job change is more likely to increase if they were unmarried, more likely to perceive their economic status as poor, more prone to work under non-regular employment status, more likely to have job responsibilities that are below their educational level, being not aligned with their academic major. Conversely, for the female group, the likelihood of job change is shown to increase if they are unmarried, to perceive their economic status as poor, to lack job-training experience, to have job-related education through private education facility, to have academic experience studying abroad, and to be employed with non-regular positions. Based on these empirical findings, the study provides a number of theoretical, policy-oriented, and practical implications for understanding job-changing behaviors among the Young Adults.

자유주의 국가와 복지 : 국가개혁의 올바른 정향을 위하여

유정환 청주대학교 국제문제연구원 2003 國際文化硏究 Vol.21 No.-

서유럽의 포퓰리즘 정당과 유럽통합

유정환 한국유럽학회 2008 유럽연구 Vol.26 No.1

For 50 years, Europe has been working toward securing peace, fostering stability, promoting prosperity and providing choice and opportunity for its citizen. In that sense the EU has been an unprecedented success. It is clear, however, that the EU is now experiencing a democracy deficit due to a growing gap between voters and Brussels. There is a sense of lack of common purpose and a crisis of identity. The crisis of identity which delays the process of integration in its deepening and enlargement has been aggravated in many countries by the anti-European, nationalist claims of populist parties and movements. Since the mid 1980's, in a number of West European countries, political movements described as populist, national populist or extreme right populist entered the national political scene, exploiting the crisis of confidence of the people in regard to the existing institutions and governmental elites. These new parties, all strongly personalized, amplifying ordinary citizen's anti-political sentiment, cry for, in their demagogic discourses, the rejection of immigration, the law and order and the hostility to the globalization and to the Europe. In these mobilization which constitutes a threat and at the same time a challenge to liberal democracies, their callings to the people go always with an emphasis on the defense of national identity. This paper tries to analyse some features of the West European populism in order to gauge its impact on the European integration process. The study refers heavily on French literature which is more available, due to, maybe the Front National. 지난 50년 동안 유럽은 평화를 유지하고, 안정을 다지며, 번영을 증진하여 시민들에게 보다 많은 선택과 기회를 제공하려고 진력해 왔다. 그런 측면에서 본다면 유럽연합은 분명히 전례가 없는 성공이다. 그러나 유럽연합이 오늘날 유럽 시민들과 브뤼셀 연합본부 사이의 거리에서 오는 민주성의 결핍(democratic deficit)을 보이고 있는 것 또한 분명한 사실이다. 유럽인들 사이에는 공동의 목적이 없다는 감정과 정체성의 위기가 존재한다. 통합 과정의 확대와 심화 두 측면 모두를 지연시키는 정체성의 위기는 유럽 여러 나라에서 포퓰리즘 운동 또는 정당들의 민족주의적이거나 반유럽적인 주장에 의해 더욱 심각해지고 있다.서유럽의 몇 나라에 1980년대 중반부터 기존의 제도들과 통치 엘리트에 대한 국민들의 신뢰의 위기를 틈타 극우포퓰리즘, 민족포퓰리즘 또는 단순히 포퓰리즘이라고 불리는 몇 정치운동과 정당이 각국의 정치무대에 등장하였다. 모두가 선동가를 중심으로 형성된 이 새로운 정당들은 일반 시민의 반정치적 감정을 증폭시키면서 그들의 선동적인 담론을 통하여 이민의 척결, 법과 질서의 회복 그리고 세계화와 유럽통합에 대한 적대감을 외쳐왔다. 자유민주주의에 대한 위협이면서 동시에 도전이기도한 이 같은 정치동원에서 그들의 민중에 대한 호소는 항상 민족정체성의 수호에 대한 강조와 함께 이루어진다.이 논문은 서유럽 포퓰리즘의 몇 측면을 분석하고 유럽통합과정에 대한 영향을 가늠해 본다. 본 연구는 민족전선의 존재로 포퓰리즘에 대한 선행 연구가 흔한 프랑스 문헌을 주로 참고 하였다.

Current role of transient elastography in the management of chronic hepatitis B patients

유정환,이정일 대한초음파의학회 2017 ULTRASONOGRAPHY Vol.36 No.2

Liver fibrosis is an important prognostic factor for chronic hepatitis B (CHB), and accurate evaluation of the stage of liver fibrosis is crucial in establishing management strategies. While liver biopsy is still considered the gold standard for staging liver fibrosis or cirrhosis, transient elastography (TE), a noninvasive means of assessing liver fibrosis, has come to play an increasing role in this process. After extensive validation, TE is now regarded as a reliable surrogate maker for grading the severity of liver fibrosis in CHB patients. It can detect the extent of fibrosis in a patient and can also be used to evaluate longitudinal changes in liver fibrosis over time with or without interventional management, such as antiviral therapy. However, several confounders hinder the effective assessment of liver fibrosis using TE, such as extensive liver necroinflammation, hepatic congestion, and cholestasis. TE has limited use in obese patients or patients with ascites. Although TE has several limitations, due to its accessibility and safety, it is a valuable tool for the initial evaluation and follow-up in patients with CHB.

투석 환자의 B형간염바이러스 잠재감염률과 임상적 의의

유정환,권창일,홍성표,박필원,임규성,황성규 대한간학회 2008 Clinical and Molecular Hepatology(대한간학회지) Vol.14 No.3(S)

기계적 분쇄방법을 통한 코팅용 알루미나 졸의 제조 및 평가

유정환,정승화,조범래,홍경표,문종수,강종봉,Yu, Jeong-Hwan,Jung, Seung-Hwa,Jo, Bum-Rae,Hong, Gyung-Pyo,Mun, Jong-Soo,Kang, Jong-Bong 한국재료학회 2008 한국재료학회지 Vol.18 No.8

$Al_2O_3$ sol with long-term stability was prepared by mechanical milling. Thin films were evaluated and created for use as coating materials. The particle size of the manufactured sol was 98 nm when 2 wt% of nitric acid was added. This indicates that the viscosity of the sol is 12 cps and that it has long-term stability. The thickness of the thin films, which varied from 100 nm to 500 nm, could be managed by adjusting the draw rate and the amount of an organic additive. A thin film heated to $500^{\circ}C$ indicated a hydrophilic property against water and excellent permeability against a visible ray.

서유럽 포퓰리즘에 대한 연구

유정환 청주대학교사회과학연구소 2008 한국사회과학연구 Vol.30 No.2

1980년대 중반부터 유럽 여러 나라에 극우 포퓰리스트, 민족 포퓰리스트 또는 민중주의라고 불리는 정치세력들이 각국의 정치 무대에 등장하였다. 기존의 민주주의 정치제도와 정치 엘리트에 대한 일반 국민의 ‘믿음의 위기’를 딛고 득세한 새로운 포퓰리스트 정당들은 모두가 지도자의 개인적 인기를 바탕으로 시민들의 ‘반 정치적’ 정서를 충분히 활용하고 있다. 이들 포퓰리즘 지도자들은 일부 시민들의 외국 이민에 대한 거부, 치안에 대한 불안, 유럽통합에 대한 반감 그리고 세계화에 대한 적대감 등을 활용하여 선동적 담론을 쏟아내고 있고 이를 통하여 열광적인 지지를 얻는다. 자유민주주의에 대해 커다란 도전이 되는 이 같은 대중 선동은 위협 받고 있는 민족적 정체성을 지키기 위한 민중의 직접 개입을 호소한다. 이 같은 서유럽의 포퓰리즘 현상은 극우세력의 복귀를 의미하는지? 선동적 민족주의의 부활인지? 또는 전혀 새로운 급진적 극우 세력의 출현인지? 아무튼 대의민주주의에 대한 새로운 형태의 항의가 등장한 것을 의미한다. Since the middle of the 1980's, in a number of European countries, some political movements characterized as populist, national populist or populist of the radical right made their debut on the political arena. Brought by the crisis of confidence vis-a-vis the political institutions and the governmental elites, the new parties, all highly personnalized, were exploiting the 'anti-politics' sentiments of the citizen and translated in their demagogic discourses the rejection of immigration, the sentiment of insecurity, the hostility to European Union and to the globalisation. In these mobilizations which constitute at once a menace and a formidable challenge for the liberal democracy, the calling to the people goes readily with the defense of the national identity supposedly menaced. Is it a simple resurgence of extreme right? A return of demagogic nationalists? The appearance of a new kind of extreme or radical right? Or a new type of contestation against the representative democracy?