전기차 이차전지의 히트파이프 기반 냉각 모델

오인택(In-Taek Oh),한진세(Jin Se Han),이지수(Ji Soo Lee),이성우(Seong Woo Lee),이재욱(Jae Uk Lee),이석호(Seok Ho Rhi) 대한기계학회 2023 대한기계학회 춘추학술대회 Vol.2023 No.7

최부의『표해록』에 나타난 필담

오인택(Oh, In-Taek) 효원사학회 2013 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.44

Pyohaerok(漂海錄), written in 1488 by Choi Boo(崔溥), a official who served the Joseon dynasty, gives a detailed expression of his five-year experience in China after the ship, on his way from Jejudo to the mainland, was cast away in the shore of China. With other forty-two entourages, his experience period is from January 1st to June 4th, 1488 in the reign of Seongjong. In fact, Choi Boo’s landing on China was a kind of unexpected situation, far from a formal visit. Understandably, his company, not ready for making any conversation in Chinese, should encounter many Chinese. They tried to communicate with the natives, using various methods, such as their gestures and conversation by writing in Chinese characters. His Pyohaerok, therefore, has been seen as a important text enabling one to explore the communication between the people of Joseon and Chinese when they needed to take proper measures except for speaking skill. This paper is an attempt to examine the conversation between both sides, and to extract the socio-cultural aspects of the mode of conversation by writing.

개항기 전통농학의 서양농학 수용방식과 그 성격

오인택 ( In Taek Oh ) 한국농업사학회 2005 농업사연구 Vol.4 No.2

『농서집요(農書輯要)』를 통해서 본 조선 초기의 경종법(耕種法)

오인택 ( Oh In Taek ) 부경역사연구소 1999 지역과 역사 Vol.- No.5

Recently, the manuscript of Nongso-chipyo(農書輯要) was discovered and introduced to the academic world. The content of this agricultural manual was that which had abridged and translated in Uidu Chinese Nongsang-chipyo(農桑輯要). This manual must be noted as a worthy agricultural material, because it is older than the existing well-known oldest manual on framing, Nongsa-chiksol(農事直說). The purpose of this study is to investigate the character of Nongs-chipyo to explain patterns of farming-methods in the beginning of Choson dynasty. The result from this study shows the following facts. Nongso-chipyo was published to introduce the farming-methods to peasantry, in the social trends of wide waste-cultivation’s spreading. The content of Nongso—chipyo included the farming-methods in the early choson dynasty though it abridged and translated in Uydu Chinese Nongsang-chipyo. This manual, therefore, gives many important historical materials about the cultivation method of paddy-field and dry-field. The result from this study can be summanrized as follows: First, there was twice-plowing in the dry-field, and this plowing-method was principally based on ridges and furrows-making plowing system(畦立耕). This means that plowing and seeding were combined with each other and that they differed with China’s cultivation method in which they were differentiated. Secondly, paddy-field cultivating method was advanced from one plowing to two plowing in the plowing method system. In this respect, the method of irrigation-after-plowing(旱耕水種) was generally used. Then the method of plowing-after-irrigation(水精耕水種) was partially practised.

경부고속철도 수송수요의 예측치와 실측치의 비교분석

오인택(Oh In-Taek) 한국철도학회 2005 한국철도학회 학술발표대회논문집 Vol.- No.-

While a year and a half has been passed since the launch of KTX service, traffic volume of Gyung-bu High Speed Railway is still much lower than the forecasted value. This situation has been badly affecting not only Korail"s financial status but also KRNA"s general railway construction projects as general public responds negatively to such projects as New Ho-ram Line Construction. This paper outlines traffic volume forecasting methodologies applied to construction of Gyung-bu High Speed Railway, identifies major causes of forecasting deviations, and finally extracts problems through comparison between the forecasted results and actual traffic volume.

17세기 후반 『남해현용동궁양안』을 통해서 본 갑술양안의 성격

오인택(Oh, In-Taek) 부산경남사학회 2011 역사와 경계 Vol.81 No.-

현재 남아있는 조선후기 양안은 대부분 1720년에 작성된 경자양안과 그 이후의 양안이다. 이 때문에 1624년에 작성된 갑술양안의 성격은 연구하기 어려웠다. 이러한 상황에서 갑술양안을 바탕으로 하여 1681년에 내수사가 작성한 『남해현용동궁양안』은 중요한 자료이다. 간접적으로 갑술양안의 성격을 파악할 수 있기 때문이다. 1681년의 양안과 경자양안을 비교하여 알게 된 갑술양안의 특징은 두 가지였다. 하나는 갑술양안이 員이라는 지역 단위로 각 필지의 지번을 결정하고, 5결 단위로 1개의 자호를 부여하였다는 점이다. 이 점은 경자양안이 천자문의 자호 단위로 각 필지의 지번을 결정한 것과 다르다. 이 점은 갑술양안이 경자양안보다 훨씬 비효율적인 체계였음을 말한다. 또 하나의 갑술양안 특징은 소유주를 기재하는 기주난에 時作으로 불리는 경작인 이름을 기재하였다는 점이다. 경자양안의 기주난에는 소유주와 경작인을 명확히 구별하여 기재하였다. 이러한 차이점이 발생한 이유는 時作이 단순한 경작인이 아니라 개간을 통하여 경작권을 가졌기 때문이다. 갑술양안에서 실제의 소유자였던 정부기관은 자신 대신에 경작권자를 등록하였던 것이다. 반면 경자양안 에서는 정부기관이 자신을 소유주로 등록하고 별도로 時作을 표기하였다. 이러한 현상이 나타난 이유는 토지소유권 분쟁의 증가에서 찾을 수 있다. 즉 갑술양안이 작성된 이후에 토지소유권 분쟁에서 갑술양안의 기주난에 등록된 이름을 소유권 주장의 근거로 사용하였기 때문이었다. Most of the remaining land register in the late Joseon Dynasty Land Register are Kyung-Cha land register in 1720 and the rest of land register are composed after 1720. For this reason, it was difficult to research the character of Kap-Sul(1624) Land Register In this situation, Namhae-Hyun(Prefecture) Yongdong-Kung(Palace) land register composed by Naesusa on the basis of Kap-Sul land register in 1681 is a important material. For it is possible to research the character of Kap-Sul land register at second hand. The Character of Kap-Sul land register is twofold in comparison with land register of 1681 and Kyung-Cha land register. First Kap-Sul land register determined a land lot number in Won(員), local unit, and assigned a Chinese letter (字號) per Kyul(結). This is different in that Kyung-Cha land register determined land lot numbers in Chinese letter. This means that Kap-Sul land register was more inefficient than Kyung-Cha land register. Another character of Kap-Sul land register is that it registered tenant farmer"s name referred as Sijak(時作) at Kiju"s(起主) item. Land owner"s name and tenant farmer"s name were registered at Kyung-Cha land register"s Kiju"s(起主) item. This difference appeard for Sijak(時作) was not only a tenant farmer but also a reclaimer of farmland. Government agency as real owner registered reclaimer"s name instead of itself at Kap-Sul land register, while government agency registed its name as real owner and also registered Sijak(時作)"s name at Kyung-Cha land register. This situation was due to the increase of disputes about land ownership. In other words name registered in Kiju"s item at Kap-Sul land register was used as evidence of landownership after Kap-Sul land register was made.

조선후기 '忠烈公 宋象賢 敍事'의 사회문화적 성격

오인택(Oh In Taek) 효원사학회 2011 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.40

This study examined the formation process and its nature of the narrative of Song Sang Hyun(宋象賢), dongraebusa recognized as one of four loyalty in the Imjin war(壬辰倭亂). The important requirement that served to constitute the narrative of Song Sang Hyun(宋象賢) were his personalities and relationships, official duties of dongraebusa(東萊府使), the family of mighty clans, and the Seoin's(西人) hold on power. Reward to Song Sang Hyun(宋象賢) in the reign of King Seonjo tended to encourage loyalty to the king. In those days the narrative that his family and mighty clans made didn't have special meaning, because aspects of the local governor who defended Dongnae castle but finally died in battle honorably were emphasized, and there were several local governors like him. However, while King Injo experiencing the loss in byeongja horan(丙子胡亂), the narrative of Song Sang Hyun(宋象賢) had a special meaning, because as hostility toward Ching led to the theory of conquering the north(北伐論), the need of emphasizing the loyalty of mighty clans grew, and in the reign of King Hyojong Song Si Yeol(宋時烈) stressed fidelity(節義) more than loyalty. The fidelity(節義) in the narrative of Song Sang Hyun(宋象賢) was hardened into a symbol of that of mighty clans in the late Joseon dynasty. He became a character symbolizing the fidelity(節義) of mighty clans among the four loyalties.

조선 후기 감자의 전래와 전파

오인택(Oh, In-taek) 부산대학교 인문학연구소 2019 코기토 Vol.- No.87

중국 감자는 19세기 전반기 함경북도와 충청도 서해안으로 전해졌다. 이 과정에서 그 명칭이 함께 전래되지 않고 감자만 전래되었다. 이것은 농민층의 비공식적인 접촉 과정에서 감자가 전래되었음을 뜻한다. 이리하여 감자의 조선 명칭이 만들어졌다. 고구마를 뜻하는 중국 한자인 감저(甘藷)와 그 발음인 감제를 사용한 것이다. 익숙한 고구마 개념을 매개로 하여 감자라는 새로운 작물을 인식한 것이다. 지식인들은 대체로 중국에서 들어온 감저(甘藷)라는 의미의 북감저(北甘藷)나 그 줄임말인 북저(北藷)라는 문자 명칭을 사용하였다. 최초로 감자를 접한 함경북도 농민들이 사용한 초기 명칭은 감제라는 구술 명칭이었다. 감저(甘藷)의 당시 발음인 감져의 변형어이다. 이름만 들었을 뿐 고구마를 직접 접할 수 없었던 함경북도 농민들은 낯선 감자에 고구마 이름인 감제를 초기 명칭으로 사용한 것이다. 이후 감자와 그 최초 명칭은 함께 전파되었다. 함경남도에 전파될 때 감제는 감자로 변형되었다. 그 이후의 전국적인 전파과정은 알 수 없다. 하지만 각 지방의 감자 명칭이 함북의 감제나 함남의 감자를 근간으로 형성되었다는 점을 통해서 추정할 수 있다. 함북 감제와 함남 감자가 각기의 교통망을 통해서 전국으로 전파된 것이다. 전라도와 충청도 서해안의 특정 지역에는 1832년 여름 무렵 독일 선교사 귀츨라프(Gutzlaff)가 가져온 중국 감자가 전파되었다. 이 전파 지역에는 다른 지역과 구별되는 감자 명칭이 사용되었다. 하지감자가 그것이다. Potatoes were originally introduced from China to North Hamgyeong and the western coast of Chungcheong provinces in the early nineteenth century. When potatoes were introduced, it was local peasants who first received and spread them, and they did not know what this crop was to be called. A similar vegetable they were familiar with at the time was sweet potatoes, called Gamjyeo(甘藷) in the region, which they took to be the name of the new crop. The names which intellectual elites used in general were 北甘藷, or a shortened one, 北藷, referring to Chinese sweet potato. The first colloquial name of potatoes common to local peasants in the northern Hamgyeong region was Gamjae, originated from Gamjyeo. As they had not seen sweet potatoes in person but heard the name of the crop, they did not distinguish between potatoes and sweet potatoes by calling both Gamjae. While the crop spread within South Hamgyeong province, its name became Gamja. The name remained unchanged afterwards. Although there is little to say about how potatoes spread around Korea in specific ways, the fact that all different names referring to potatoes in other provinces were based upon Gamjae and Gamja in the north and south Hamgyeong regions respectively makes it possible to give a broad picture of the spread of the crop around the whole country via the transportation network. Additionally, in some areas, such as the west coast of Jeolla and Chuncheong provinces, Chinese potatoes were introduced by a German missionary, Gutzlaff, in summer 1832. They were distinctively called Hajigamja.

朝鮮後期 癸卯ㆍ甲戌量田의 推移와 性格

吳仁澤(Oh In Taek) 효원사학회 1995 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.19

조선후기 김해부의 노전과 양안

오인택(Oh, In-Taek) 효원사학회 2020 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.58

조선후기 김해 노전은 4개 유형으로 분류되었다. 1유형은 전·후기 모두 대규모 노전이 존재하던 내륙 저습지형, 2유형은 전기부터 후기까지 점진적으로 개간된 명호도 유형(대저도 포함)으로서 노전 규모가 점차 축소되던 곳, 3유형은 덕도·전산도·죽도·대산리·수봉도 유형으로서 전기에는 전체가 노전이었다가 후기에는 대부분 전답으로 개간된 곳, 4유형은 생성 초기의 작은 섬(사주, 하중도)으로서 전체가 노전인 곳이다. 이들 유형은 3단계 노전 변천 과정을 보여준다. 지명을 갖지 못한 노전 생성 이전의 ‘저습지 단계’(1차 저습지), 지명이 붙여진 ‘노전 단계’(2차 저습지), ‘노전의 전답화 단계’가 그것이다. 4유형은 1차 저습지 단계와 2차 저습지 단계, 2유형과 3유형은 2차 저습지 단계와 노전의 전답화 단계를 보여주었다. 갑술양안(1634)를 등사한 1690년의 용동궁 노전양안과, 경자양안(1720)을 등사한 1721년의 용동궁 노전양안을 비교하였다. 서낙동강과 접한 대덕도면과 하동면은 낙동강 하류 델타지역이며, 3유형 노전이 존재하던 곳이었다. 3유형 노전 주변에 주인 없는 1차·2차 저습지가 많이 생성되었다. 이들 저습지가 용동궁에 주어진 것이다. 용동궁에 주어진 노전의 3/4은 1634년 이전에 생성된 것, 약 1/4은 1634년 이후 약 90년 동안 생성된 것이다. 3유형 노전 주변의 신생 노전들은 모두 퇴적이 손쉬운 강, 갯벌(浦), 제언(堰), 작은 갯벌(細浦), 강의 작은 지류(小江) 등을 접하였다. Reed Fields in Gimhae can be divided into four categories: the first type is that of the interior wetlands characterized by the extensive presence of reed fields in both the earlier and later Joseon Dynasty; the second one is that of Myungho Island(鳴湖島) including (大渚島), which had been under cultivation from the earlier Joseon Era to the later Joseon, thereby being reduced the area of reed fields gradually; the third one is that of Deokdo island(德島), Jeonsando island(前山島), Jukdo island(竹島), Daesan-ri(大山里), and Subongdo island(水鳳島), which had been entirely reed fields in the earlier Joseon and were largely made into farmland in the later Joseon; the fourth one indicates newly formed small islands (shoal and alluvial island) which were composed entirely of reed fields. These four types show the three processes of change in reed fields: the first one is ‘wetland stage’ (the first wetland) preceding the formation of reed fields, which could not have the name of the place; the second one is ‘reed fields stage’ (the second wetland) with name of the place; the third one is ‘the farmland-zation of reed fields stage.’ The fourth type demonstrates the first and second wetland stage, while the second and third type illustrate the second wetland stage and the farmland-zation of reed fields stage. This study compares the land books on Yongdong Palace-owned reed fields of 1690, copied from Gapsul Land Register of 1634 with that of 1721, copied from Gyungja Land Register of 1720. Youngdong Palace possessed newly formed reed fields of the first and the second phase wetland around the third type of reed fields in Daedeokdo-myeon and Hadong-myeon, the delta of the Nakdong River estuary. The three quarters of these reed fields had been formed before 1634, while the remain one quarter had been developed for about 90 years after 1634. All these newly formed reed fields around the third type of reed fields neighbored upon river, mudflat(浦), dam(堰), small mudflat(細浦), and branch of river(小江)