상호부조 협동금융의 전개와 마이크로크레딧 지역 자활공제협동조합과 청년연대은행 토닥을 중심으로

오미일 ( Oh Mi Il ) 민주화운동기념사업회 2016 기억과 전망 Vol.0 No.35

빈곤층의 자립과 사회적 기업을 지원하기 위해 정부나 기업의 보조금을 기반으로 신나는조합, 사회연대은행과 같은 비영리 마이크로크레딧 기관이 설립되어 활동하고 있지만, 그 수혜자는 소수에 불과하다. 이런 상황에서 기초생활수급자나 차상위계층 등의 경제적 취약층이 스스로 출자금을 모아 지역 자활공제협동조합, 청년연대은행 토닥과 같은 공제협동조합을 조직하여 상호부조 협동금융을 실천하는 양상이 전개되고 있다. 자활공제협동조합과 토닥은 `전국자활공제협동조합연합회`를 결성하고 연간 출자금의 10%로 연대기금을 조성하여 단위조합으로는 어려운 금융안전망 구축과 의료공제서비스를 실시하는 등 국제협동조합연맹의 `협동조합 간의 협동` 원칙을 실천하고 있다. 재단 형태의 기존 마이크로크레딧 사업이 창업 대출과 컨설팅을 통한 자활에 초점을 두는 반면, 자활공제협동조합과 토닥은 생계자금 대출을 주요사업 범주로 설정하는 점에 차이가 있다. 상호부조 협동금융은 지역사회를 기반으로 `수평적이고 지속가능한 경제전략`을 실행하는 자율적 경제운동으로 주목할 부문이다. Nonprofit microcredit institutions like the Joyful Union and the Social Solidarity Bank based on government or corporate subsidies for supporting the self-reliance of the poor and social enterprises have been founded and are active, but their beneficiaries are in the minority. In such a situation, the economically vulnerable including social assistance recipients and the near poor raise investments themselves to organize cooperatives like self-supporting cooperatives and youth solidary bank Todak and unfold the practices of mutual aid cooperative finance. Self-supporting cooperatives and Todak are carrying out the `cooperation between cooperatives` principle of the international cooperative alliance, which involves conducting medical deduction services and building a financial safety net, which are difficult to do with local unions. The previous foundation-type microcredit businesses place their focus on self-support through start-up loans and consulting, whereas self-supporting cooperatives and Todak differ in that they set loans for livelihood funds as a major business category. Mutual aid cooperative finance is a sector that must be focused on as an autonomous economic movement that implements a `horizontal and sustainable economic strategy`. based on the community.

부평 로컬리티와 이주민 -1945년~1960년대를 중심으로-

오미일 ( Mi Il Oh ),조관연 ( Gwan Yeon Cho ) 성균관대학교 인문과학연구소 2010 人文科學 Vol.0 No.46

한국 개항장도시의 기념사업과 기억의 정치

오미일 ( Mi Il Oh ),배윤기 ( Yoon Gi Bae ) 한국사회사학회 2009 사회와 역사 Vol.0 No.83

개항장도시의 장소성 혹은 로컬리티 형성과 관련하여 ‘기억의 정치’ 문제는 매우 중요한 부분이다. 구체적으로 근현대 인천 공간에서 제국주의 혹은 국가에 의해 기념일 제정과 기념사업을 통해 형성된 ‘집단기억’은 역사적 정치적 환경 변화에 따라 양상을 달리하며, 오늘날 인천의 장소성 형성에 중요한 요소로 작용해왔다. 개항 이후 인천은 서울의 ‘다리목’이자 전략적 항구란 지정학적 위치로 인해 갑신정변과 임오군란, 청일전쟁과 러일전쟁 등 정치적 격변 속에서 전쟁물자 조달을 통해 번창했고 성장했다. 러일전쟁 개시 초에 인천 앞바다에서 전개된 인천해전의 기념과 개항기념은 식민도시 인천의 집단기억의 핵심코드였다. 인천해전기념이 ‘승리와 지배’란 정치사회적 목적의 기능기억으로 역할했다면, 개항기념은 ‘근대화와 산업개발’이란 경제적 측면의 기능기억이었다. 일본인이 떠난 후 정치적 목적의 인천해전 집단기억은 소멸되고, 이를 대체한 것이 ‘맥아더의 인천상륙’이었다. 이 새로운 집단기억의 제도적 장치는 1957년에 세워진 맥아더 동상, 1980년 인천상륙작전 30주년기념으로 세워진 인천지구전적비, 그리고 최종적으로는 1984년 준공된 인천상륙작전기념관과 자유수호의 탑이었다. 그런데 정치환경 변화에 따라 전쟁 기념의 정치적 집단기억은 바뀌었지만, 근대화·산업화를 상징하는 개항관련 집단기억은 경제개발과 함께 그대로 지속되었다. 개항기에는 영국인 무역상 존 스톤의 별장과 독일 무역상 세창양행이 위치했으며, 일제시기에는 인천해전에서 승리한 전함 치요다호의 마스트를 세워 두었고, 그리고 해방 후에는 맥아더 동상이 건립된 곳인 자유공원과 이를 중심으로 한 개항장 일대는 인천의 ‘기억의 장소’이며, 인천 장소성의 벡터이다. Regarding the formation of the placeness and locality of the Open Port city, the issue of ‘politics of the memory’ is a most important part. ‘The collective memory’ that has been formed through establishment of memorial day or memorial project by the imperialism or the government in modern and contemporary space of Incheon, has been changed in aspect depending on its change in historical and political environment. And It has been affected as an important element on the formation of the placeness of today’s Incheon. After opening the port, Incheon has been thriving and growing through the procurement of war supply during the political turbulences such as Gapsin Coup(甲申政變), Immo Army Rebellion (壬午軍亂) and Sino-Japanese War(淸日戰爭) due to geopolitical position that Incheon was a ‘bridge-head’ for Seoul and a strategic port. The commemoration on the Incheon naval battle off the coast of Incheon at early stage of Russo-Japanese War and the commemoration of Open Port were the key code of the collective memory of a colonial city Incheon. While the commemoration on the Incheon naval battle took a role as functional memory for sociopolitical purpose of ‘victory and ruling’, the commemoration of Open Port was an functional memory for the economic aspect of ‘modernization and industrialization’. After Japanese people left, the collective memory of the Incheon naval battle for political purpose disappeared, and that was replaced by ‘The Incheon Landing Operation of MacArthur’. The regulatory devices for this new collective memory were the statue of MacArthur set up in 1957, the Monument of Incheon region War Record set up in 1980 to celebrate the 30th anniversary of the Incheon Landing Operation, and finally the Memorial Hall for Incheon Landing Operation completed in 1984 and the Tower of Protecting Freedom. However, the political collective memory for war commemoration has been changed depending on political environments but the collective memory related to port opening that represented modernization and industrialization has been lasting together with economical development. The Freedom Park where the villa of an English trader, John Stone, and Saechang Corporation were located in the period of port opening, the mast of the battle ship Chiyoda that gained victory from the Incheon Naval Battle was standing in the period of Japanese colonization, and the statue of MacArthur was established after the liberation; and the Open Port area surrounding the Freedom Park are the ‘place of memory’ and a vector of the placement of Incheon.

間島의 통로, 근대 회령지방의 월경과 생활세계

오미일(Oh, Mi-Il) 효원사학회 2017 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.51

이 글은 간도의 통로인 회령지역의 월경‧교류 현상을 근대 세계의 국경이란 관점에서 분석하기보다 경계를 횡단하며 생활경제와 일상을 영위하는‘변경’이란 역사 문화적 공간의 관점에서 접근한 것이다. 결빙기가 되면 두만강이란 가시적 경계마저 사라지는 이곳의 주민들은 강 너머 對岸 간도지역에 대해 ‘국외’라고 하기보다 ‘내 저편’이라고 부를 정도로 국경 관념이 희박했다. 회령은 만주로 이주하는 조선인들의 통과지점이었고, 또한 정치적 변동으로 인한 有事時 만주지역에서 탈출해오는 조선인 혹은 중국인들의 경유지였다. 이와 같이 회령지역은 離散하는 동아시아 민족의 통로였기에 이에 부수하여 문화적 교차 현상도 나타났다. 회령은 국가 차원에서 보면 각종 군사시설이 설치되어 있는 일본제국주의의 중요한 군사기지로 동아시아 민족주의와 제국주의가 충돌하는, 삼엄하고 긴장된 경계지대였다. 그러나 지역 차원에서 보면, 중앙으로부터 소외되고 제국주의 전쟁 당시 국가 주권에 의해 보호받지도 못했던 이곳은 두만강 너머 간도지역이나 인접한 러시아 연해주지역과 일상 생활경제를 함께 영위하며 문물을 교류하는 변경이었다. This paper discusses the phenomenon of border-crossing and exchange that took place between Kando (Jiandao in Chinese) and Hoeryŏng, a frontier town in northeast Korea, during the modern era. In exploring this phenomenon, I focus on the special characteristics and idiosyncrasies of a borderland area as a historical and cultural space at a time when border-crossing constituted an integral part of everyday life as well as an indispensable activity upon which the local economy was rested, as opposed to examining it through the modern concept of national borders. Residents of this town facing Kando across the Tumen River had a blurry notion of national borders, often referring to the latter simply as “nae chŏp’yŏn (the other side of the river).” The symbolic barrier that may have existed between the two was further obliterated during the winter months when the Tumen River, the only visible demarcation between the two areas, completely disappeared under the ice. Hoeryŏng was historically a gateway for the Chosŏn people migrating to Manchuria. The town was also a point of passage for Chosŏn or Chinese people leaving Manchuria to escape the fallout of multiple political upheavals. As a crossroads on the path of displacement and diaspora of East Asian peoples, Hoeryŏng was also naturally a cross-cultural town. At a national level, Hoeryŏng was an important military base for Imperialist Japan with various military infrastructures. It was also a tense and heavily-militarized border town where the nationalisms of several East Asian population groups as well as Japanese imperialist ambitions clashed. On the other hand, at a regional level, Hoeryŏng was a ‘borderland’ town that exchanged and maintained a symbiotic relationship with the Kando region across the Tumen River as well as the neighboring section of Russia’s Maritime Province, in ways that influenced both the local economy and everyday life of its residents.

평양지역 조선인자본가들의 조합 조직과 공업 발달

오미일(Oh Mi-il) 한국사연구회 2007 한국사연구 Vol.137 No.-

During the colonial era, industry developed in the Pyeongyang area to a point where the city was often referred to as the ‘Osaka of Joseon’ or the ‘Kitakyushu of Joseon’. To this end, this study analyzes the locational conditions which made it possible for Pyeongyang to become an urban area and to achieve industrialization, while also delving more deeply into elements related to its industrial development. In addition, an attempt is also made to analyze the main factors that made it possible for Joseon people to bring about industrial development. More to the point, this study analyzes the manner in which Joseon capitalists were able to mitigate the competition in the form of foreign capital by amassing capital through cooperative associations and jointly responding to the problems which emerged during the production process. Pyeongyang possessed all the conditions needed to become an industrial area: large-scale land on which to build factories, an abundance of cheap labor, access to industrial raw materials and cheap and enriched power sources and fuels, and well-developed transportation routes. By the mid to late 1910s capitalist investment in the manufacturing industry in the Pyeongyang area had expanded to the point where the city not only reached the factory industry level of development, but also emerged as the leading industrial area in Joseon. To this end, there was during the 1920s a much greater ratio of Joseon people engaged in the industrial sector in Pyeongyang than was the case in Gyeongseong, another area which was regarded as boasting a high degree of industrial development. Although limited to partial industries such as socks and rubbers, this phenomenon in which small and medium sized enterprises run by Joseon people emerged as the leading force in regional development was not replicated in other areas. One of the main reasons why small and medium-sized enterprises developed in the Pyeongyang area was the organization of a savings and loans association therein, a denouement which made it possible to secure the capital needed to establish factories. Few such cases of a savings and loans association being established to facilitate investment in the manufacturing industry and the establishment of factories have been uncovered in other areas. In addition, attention must also be paid to the fact that the owners of factories and small domestic enterprises attempted to organize a production association in order to offset the serious competition they faced in terms of prices and product quality. However, the fact that Joseon people’s capital had already by this point begun to be diversified meant that these efforts to organize a production association, which required the concentration of capital and business cooperation, were doomed to fail. As such, a link can be established between these aggressive attempts on the part of Joseon capitalists to establish and develop factories and the fact that the Movement for the Promotion of Korean Products originated in Pyeongyang.

일제시기 호남재벌 玄俊鎬의 鶴坡農場과 자본축적 시스템

오미일(Oh Mi-Il) 부산대학교 한국민족문화연구소 2009 한국민족문화 Vol.35 No.-

기존 연구에서 현준호는 호남은행장, 그리고 여러 기업의 중역으로 활동한 기업가의 면모로만 알려져 왔다. 그러나 현준호의 경제활동의 축은 호남은행과 함께 학파농장이었다. 학파농장은 1924년 설립되어 1934년 합명회사로 법인화되었다. 학파농장은 그의 주요 자산인 토지와 유가증권의 관리, 그리고 토지의 간척과 개량을 주요 영업내용으로 했다. 그는 부친으로부터 토지를 물려받은 1920년대 중반부터 대단위 농장을 조성하기 위해 매도와 매입을 통해 경지 정리를 추진했다. 그러나 이러한 방식으로는 대단위 농지 조성이 요원하자 1932년부터 간척사업을 전개하였다. 학파농장은 1935~1939년 5년간 평균수익률이 연 9%로, 이는 시중 보통은행의 정기예금 금리 연 4%의 2배가 넘었다. 학파농장의 평균수익률이 높았던 이유 중의 하나는 토지를 담보로 한 특혜적 금융거래 덕분이었다. 또한 학파농장은 동양척식주식회사나 조선식산은행에서 방출했던 산미증식토지개량자금과 같은 저리 국책자금을 차입함으로써 높은 수익률을 올릴 수 있었다. 또한 학파농장의 수익률이 높은 데에는 농지수확이 수입의 큰 비중을 점했으므로 농장형 지주경영과 농사개량의 요인도 중요하게 작용했을 것이다. 그리고 우량 유가증권에 투자하여 시중은행 정기예금 금리의 거의 두 배에 이르는 배당률 수익을 올린 것도 농장의 평균수익률 상승에 작용했을 것이다. 학파농장의 자본축적시스템은 부동산을 담보로 한 동양척식주식회사의 차입금으로 토지를 간척하거나 구매하고, 이를 담보로 다시 동양척식회사로부터 차입하여 주로 토지에 재투자하는 시스템이었다. 마찬가지로 조선 신탁주식회사에서는 유가증권을 담보로 차입하여 다시 호남은행이나 기업에 투자했다. In the existing studies, Joonho Hyun has been known as the head of Honam Bank and as an entrepreneur who made activities as director in many companies. But his principal axis of his business activities was Hakpa Farm together with Honam Bank. Hakpa Farm was established in 1924 and incorporated as a partnership company in 1934. The major sales activities of Hakpa Farm were management of its major asset such as land and securities, and reclamation and improvement of the land. Since the middle of 1920s when he inherited the land from his farther, he has made land adjustment through selling and buying land to set up a large scale mega farm. However, as the large scale land adjustment turned out to be far from completion in such method, he drove the reclamation project from 1932. Hakpa Farm made out the annual average profit at the rate of 9% for the 5 years from 1935 to 1939, which doubled the interest rate of fixed deposit, 4% in general commercial banks. One of the reasons for the high average profit rate of Hakpa Farm was owing to specially favored financial deal by putting the land as collateral. Also through the loans of low-interest national fund such as Land Improvement Fund for increasing rice production diffused by Oriental Colonization Company or Chosen Industrial Bank, Hakpa Farm could get high profit. Receiving such favored fund might have been possible because he made good relationship of close collaboration with Japanese government as a member of the Central Advisory Council. Because farm harvest was of great importance in income, the factors such as holding farm management and the improved farming skills had a great effect on the higher earning rate of Hakpa farm. The capital accumulation system of Hakpa Farm was to reclaim or purchase land with the loan from Oriental Colonization Company with its real-estate as collateral, and to reinvest mainly in land with the loan again from Oriental Colonization Company with that land as collateral. In the same way, it obtained money on loan from Chosen Industrial Bank with securities as collateral and reinvested in Honam Bank or other companies.

총동원체제하 생활개선캠페인과 조선인의 일상 : 식민도시 인천의 사회적 공간성과 관련하여

오미일(Oh Mi-Il) 독립기념관 한국독립운동사연구소 2011 한국독립운동사연구 Vol.0 No.39

전시기 총동원체제는 국방과 군수산업 분야만 아니라 사회·가정생활과 사상·문화면에 이르는 전면적 再造를 통해 식민지 조선을 대동아공영권으로 편입시키고 조선인을 일본정신으로 무장시키는 프로젝트였다. '황민 만들기' 목적의 생활개선캠페인은 1930년대 초 농산어촌진흥운동에서 시작되어 1930년대 후반 이후 전시기에 들면서 도시로 확산, 본격화되었다. 생활개선캠페인은 일상적 삶의 방식과 신체를 통제함으로써 총동원체제로 대중을 포섭 동원하기 위한 장치였다. 도시에서 생활개선캠페인이 본격적으로 추진된 것은 1936년 國民精神作興週間(11.7~13) 실시를 계기로 했다. 1936년과 1937년 국민정신작흥주간의 생활개선캠페인은 총독부의 통첩에 제시된 가이드라인에 따라 경기도와 인천부, 경찰서 등의 행정관서가 직접 구체적인 행사 프로그램을 수립하고 지시했으며, 町會·부인단체·사회단체·각급 학교가 이를 실행했다. 그러나 1938년 7월 국민정신 총동원인천연맹이 조직되면서 인천지역 생활개선운동을 주도했다. "정동운동의 단위는 가정생활이고 가정생활의 사소한 모든 일이 정동운동의 眞髓로 투철되어야 한다"는 방침은 곧 일상생활에 대한 통제와 포섭을 의도한 것이었다. 1940년 10월 조직된 국민총력인천연맹은 "신체제에 조응하는 생활을 실천함으로써 生活維新을 이루어야 한다"는 방침에 따라 생활개선캠페인을 추진했다. 그런데 일본인 비율이 높아 관변단체가 다른 지역에 비해 일찍 조직되었음에도 불구하고, 식민도시 인천의 생활개선캠페인을 통한 일상 규제는 저조했다. 그 이유는 기본적으로 인천의 지리적·사회공간적 배경에서 찾을 수 있다. 인천이 경인공업지대의 중심지로 발전하면서 노동자 유입이 크게 증가한 점, 그리고 궁핍한 노동자가 지역민의 대다수를 차지하는 지역적 특징은 식민권력의 일상지배에 중요한 변수였다. 생활개선캠페인이 기본적으로 거주단위별 애국반과 직능별 보국단을 단위로 실행되었기에, 행정망의 정비가 전제되지 않는 한 인천 인구의 상당수를 차지하는 '이질적인 혼합집단=이주노동력과 도시빈민층'을 포섭하기는 쉽지 않았다. 생활개선캠페인을 통한 일상 통제와 황민화사업의 파열은 바로 '전쟁 완수의 중추지대인 인천과 같은 港都·工都'에서 시작되었던 것이다. 식민지 대중을 제국의 국민으로 만드는 과정은 훨씬 엄격한 자격검증을 거쳐야 했으니, 조선의 생활개선캠페인의 경우 식민모국보다 훨씬 강한 규제와 동원이 적용되었다. 때문에 식민권력에 의한 일상지배와 그로 인해 구축된 식민적 생활세계는 해방 후 유산으로 연속되었다. A general mobilization footing in a state of war was a project to incorporate Korea into the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere and arm the Korean people with Japan's spirit through an overall rework in the field of society, home life, thought and culture as well as in the field of the defense and munitions industry. The campaign for the improvement of living conditions with the aim to japanize the Korean people began early in 1930s from a movement to develop farming and fishing community and the movement began in earnest and extended to cities entering a period of war after the late 1930s. The campaign was a strategy to embrace and mobilize the general public for the general mobilization footing by controlling the people and their ordinary way of life. With the enforcement of the stimulation week of the national spirit (11.7~13) in 1936, the campaign in the cities began in earnest. The detailed programs of the event of the campaign for the improvement of living conditions during the stimulation week of the national spirit in 1936 and 1937 were directly designed and directed by administrative organs like Gyeonggi-do, Incheon City, police agency and others according to the note of the Japanese Government General of Korea and they were carried out by neighboring meetings, women's societies, social societies and schools. But the Incheon Federation of General Mobilization of the National Spirit was organized in July, 1938 and it led the campaign in Incheon. The unit of the campaign was home life and its policy that all things of home life should be penetrated by the essence of the campaign was to embrace and control home life. The Incheon Federation for National Total Unity organized in October, 1940 started the campaign according to the policy that living reforms corresponding to the new system should be carried out. But as the percentage of the Japanese people in Incheon was higher than that of other cities, organizations of government circles were organized earlier than other cities. But the control of ordinary life through the campaign in Incheon was dull. It is possible to find the reason why the campaign was dull in the geographical, social and spatial background in Incheon. As Incheon developed as a center in Gyeongin industrial area, the inflow of labor into Incheon area increased sharply and the needy laborers formed a large majority of local residents. Such a demographical feature was an important variable to control people's daily life by colonial power. As the campaign was carried out based on the unit of "patriotism group" according to residence and "loyal group" according to vocation, it was not easy to embrace the mixed masses different in kind (migrant workers and the urban poor) without well organized administrative network. Controlling people's daily life by the campaign and japanizing the people began to be broken in a port city and an industrial town like Incheon, the central area for conducting war. As the course to make the Korean masses japanized required much more strict eligibility verification, much stronger control and mobilization than that in Japan applied to the campaign for the improvement of living conditions in Korea. Therefore Japanese control of people's daily life and their way of life established thereby continued as a legacy after Korea's Liberation in 1945.

1920년 9월 원산지역 만세시위와 저항의식 형성의 기제

오미일(Oh, Mi-Il) 부산경남사학회 2017 역사와 경계 Vol.102 No.-

이 글은 1920년 9월 23일 밤 원산에서 발생한 만세시위를 ‘서발턴’ 개념에 기초하여 분석한 글이다. 서발턴(subaltern) 개념은 계급 분석이나 부문운동으로 설명하기 어려운 지역사회의 다양한 직업군의 저항운동을 해명하기 위해 시도해 볼 수 있는 접근 방법이라고 생각한다. 1919년 원산의 3 · 1운동이 기독교단과 천도교단에 의해 조직적으로 전개되었는데 비해, 이 시위는 하층 민중들에 의해 전개되었다는 점이 특징이다. 수천 명의 서발턴 민중을 시위대열로 이끈 것은 이십 명도 안 되는 一心團員이 아니라, 일상에서 체험적으로 획득된 민족 차별과 억압에 대한 내재된 저항의식이었다. 일제 통치에 대한 저항의식이 형성되고 발현되는 기제는 사회문화적 저항공간인 자강단체와 교회였다. 1908년 무렵부터 ‘애국’과 ‘민족’은 이미 지방에서도 대중의 담론으로 확산되어 있었다. 학교와 교회(예배당)를 공간으로 전개된 다양한 학습과 학술 · 문화 행사는 서발턴 민중으로 하여금 현실의 식민지 상황과 지역문제에 대해 각성하게 만들었다. 9월 만세시위는 바로 이러한 지역적인 저항의식의 공감대에 기초하여 발생했던 것이다. This study analyzes the Wonsan Demonstration of Independence Movement (Manse) held in the night of September 23, 1920 based on the concept of ‘subaltern.’ The concept of subaltern is considered an approach that can be attempted in order to explain the resistance movement of the local public, which is hard to explain with an analysis of class. In 1919, the March 1st Movement in Wonsan was methodically developed by the Christian Body, and a characteristic of this demonstration is that it was developed by the masses. What led thousands of subaltern masses into protesters was not the members of One Mind Group, fewer than 20 persons, but the inherent spirit of resistance against ethnic discrimination and oppression in the Joseon masses. The mechanism by which the spirit of resistance against the Japanese rule was formed and manifested was self-strengthening organizations and churches, which were spaces of socio-cultural resistance. Since around 1908, ‘patriotism’ and ‘nation’ had already proliferated in provinces as a popular discourse. A variety of learning and academic/cultural events developed with schools and churches (chapels) as spaces allowed the people to awaken themselves concerning the situations of the colony in reality and social issues of the regions, and in this social atmosphere, sympathy of local resistance was formed.

한국자본주의 발전에서 政商의 길 - 白南信·白寅基의 자본축적과 정치사회 활동 -

오미일(Oh Mi-Il) 부산경남사학회 2005 역사와 경계 Vol.57 No.-

Bak Nam-Shin Who came from Jun-ju A-Jun(衙前) accumulated an extremely large amount of capital while being in charge of goods supply for the authorities and of We-hoek(外劃) of Nae-Jang-Won(內藏院) after 1897. He invested his money to purchase lands and run private loan businesses. After the abolition of We-hoek in 1904, he concentrated his efforts on the management of agriculture in the form of farm plantation. He was also involved in rice merchandizing.<br/> In the case of Bak In-Ki, he already started Gag-ju(客主) management at the age of 17-18, then became prominent in the commercial world of Seoul. Bak and his father actively participated in reorganizing the banking system of Megata. Thanks to their work with financial organizations, the Baks could easily obtain bank loans, often enormous amounts, from Han-il bank(韓一銀行), Industrial bank(殖産銀行), and Dong-yang colonization company(東洋拓殖會社), which they used to build farms and buy state lands. Bak In-Ki beame a large stock holder and worked as an executive for several different enterprises between 1905 and 1909, and also throughout the 1920s. His working method was to diversify his managing interests in different companies rather than concentrating on one particular company. He identified himself as a landlord who constantly expanded his farms than a capitalist. Taking account of his method of capital accumulation and the business style, one can classify the Baks as ‘businessmen with political affiliation’.<br/> During the Japanese colonial period, the characteristics of capital accumulation by the Korean businessmen with political affiliation were to obtain excessive profits from the purchase of uncultivated lands, whether state or private, and rent rather than from their enterprise profitability. This means that those businessmen actively responded to the industrial policy of Japanese Imperialism which focused on the cultivation of lands, and land as well as farming improvement with purpose of rice production increase(産米增殖), though ultimately designed for the sake of Japan.

부산진 일신여학교의 3 · 11 독립만세 시위와 여성운동

오미일 ( Oh Mi-il ) 부산광역시 시사편찬위원회 2019 항도부산 Vol.37 No.-

3·1운동에서 여성들은 시위행렬의 선두에 섰고 격문이나 비밀문서의 인쇄와 배포도 담당했다. 3·1운동에서 조직적 운동주체로서 여성의 활동을 가장 잘 보여주는 대표적 사례가 3월 11일의 부산진 일신여학교 학생 시위이다. 이 글은 부산경남 3·1운동에서 첫 만세 함성이었고 동심원의 파장과 같이 시위 확산에 큰 역할을 했음에도 불구하고, 주도 인물들의 정확한 인명이나 이력, 출옥 이후 삶에 대한 기본적인 사실조차 제대로 파악되지 않고 있는 부진한 연구 상황을 타개하기 위한 실증적 분석 작업이다. 3·1운동에 부산진지역 일신여학교와 공립보통학교 여학생들이 조직적 주체로서 적극적으로 참여한 것은 한말부터 선교사, 지역 유지와 婦人會 등 다양한 주체에 의한 근대적 여성교육기관의 설립이 다른 지역에 비교해 활발했기 때문일 것이다. 민족교육을 받은 여학생들은 평소 반일적 태도와 정서를 지니고 있었고, 그러한 교육 효과는 여성들이 3·1운동에 적극적으로 참여하게 되는 계기를 마련했다고 볼 수 있다. 3·11만세시위로 체포된 이는 약 30명이었는데, 그 중 교사 2명(징역 1년 6개월), 여학생 10명(5개월), 일반 주민 1명(징역 8월)이 옥고를 치렀다. 일신여학교 학생들은 한 달 간의 휴교 후 등교하자, 다시 인근 주민들과 함께 4월 8일 2차 시위를 전개했다. 경찰에 탐지되어 비록 거사하지는 못했지만, 4월 9일과 10일에도동래고보, 부산제2상업학교와 함께 시위를 계획했다. 따라서 그동안 일신여학교 만세 운동에 대해 ‘부산경남지역에서 최초’라는 점만 강조해왔으나 2차 시위 실행에 이어 3차, 4차 시위를 계속 시도했다는 점에서 ‘운동의 지속성’을 주목해야 할 것이다. 3·11독립만세 시위 주도자를 비롯해 일신여학교 학생들은 지역의 문화계몽운동에 적극 참여했다. 1921년 6월 창립된 부산여자청년회의 지역적 기반은 부산진이었고 인적 기반은 일신여학교였다. In the 3·1 Independence Movement, women were at the forefront of demonstrations and were responsible for the printing and dissemination of diaries and confidential documents. A representative example of female activism as the organizational movement body in the 3·1 Independence Movement was Busanjin Ilshin Women's School demonstration. The 3.11 hurray demonstration of Busanjin Ilshin Women's School was the first long-awaited act of independence movement in Busan, Gyeongsangnam-do and played a major role in spreading protests like the wave of concentric circles. Nevertheless, even the basic facts about life after death have not been grasped. This article is an empirical analysis of the 3.11 hurray demonstration at Ilshin Women's School. The reason why girls from Ilsin Girls' School and public ordinary schools in Busan participated in the March 1 Independence Movement was because of the diversity of education by missionaries, Japanese, local opponent and women's associations. Among them, the female students who witnessed the world situation and received the national education had the usual anti-Japanese attitudes and emotions, and the women would have been actively involved in the independence movement. In the meantime, we have generally emphasized the fact that 3·11 demonstration of Ilshin Women's School is the first in the Busan Gyeongnam area. However, we should pay attention to the 'sustainability of the movement' in that They continued to carry out the third and fourth protests following the second protest. The students of Ilshin Women's School, including those who participated in the 3·11 demonstrations, actively participated in local cultural enlightenment campaigns. Founded in June 1921, the Busan Women's Youth Association's regional base was Busanjin and its human base was Ilshin Women's School.