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開港(場)과 移住商人 開港場都市 로컬리티의 형성과 기원
오미일 한국근현대사학회 2008 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.47 No.-
After the opening of a ports in Korea, commodity circulation had been making rapid progress. Busan port was one of the place where imports and exports were received and distributed, and also merchant settlers who had business relations with these commodities were moving to several parts of Korea. These merchant settlers, spreader of capitalistic economy, are emblematic of open ports space. When port Incheon had been opened, Busan merchants moved to Incheon and then when port Gunsan had been opened, merchants from Busan and Incheon moved to Gunsan as well. At first, Merchant settlers in open ports tried to apply established commercial rules. However they had to be establishing new commercial orders gradually over the years. In open ports as spreading centers of imperialism powers, it is a first step for a formation of locality in the open ports city to gather and make network for merchant settlers and to work as a subject of open port space Also intermediaries such as Gaek-ju(客主) and Kogan(居間) needed to learn about foreign languages and cultures because of trade with foreign nations. Therefore they could not help taking up a positive attitude to receive. Finally, some of them devoted or adapted themselves to foreign enlightenments or phenomena. This forced openness behind the positive reception was the other part of the original form of locality in open ports cities. Keywords: Merchant settlers, open ports market, locality, Geunupso(勤業所), Jung Chi guk(丁致國), Jung Byung jo(鄭炳朝), Gaekju(客主), Busan, Incheon, Mokpo After the opening of a ports in Korea, commodity circulation had been making rapid progress. Busan port was one of the place where imports and exports were received and distributed, and also merchant settlers who had business relations with these commodities were moving to several parts of Korea. These merchant settlers, spreader of capitalistic economy, are emblematic of open ports space. When port Incheon had been opened, Busan merchants moved to Incheon and then when port Gunsan had been opened, merchants from Busan and Incheon moved to Gunsan as well. At first, Merchant settlers in open ports tried to apply established commercial rules. However they had to be establishing new commercial orders gradually over the years. In open ports as spreading centers of imperialism powers, it is a first step for a formation of locality in the open ports city to gather and make network for merchant settlers and to work as a subject of open port space Also intermediaries such as Gaek-ju(客主) and Kogan(居間) needed to learn about foreign languages and cultures because of trade with foreign nations. Therefore they could not help taking up a positive attitude to receive. Finally, some of them devoted or adapted themselves to foreign enlightenments or phenomena. This forced openness behind the positive reception was the other part of the original form of locality in open ports cities. Keywords: Merchant settlers, open ports market, locality, Geunupso(勤業所), Jung Chi guk(丁致國), Jung Byung jo(鄭炳朝), Gaekju(客主), Busan, Incheon, Mokpo
오미일 한국학중앙연구원 한국학중앙연구원 2013 Korea Journal Vol.53 No.1
A colonial city usually experiences spatial division induced by ethnic division. Busan, which held the highest proportion of the Japanese population among colonial Korean cities, was a city that represented the locality of colonized Joseon, i.e. coloniality. Yet, the city’s geographical conditions and unique history wove a double-layered sense of locality, which cannot simply be attributed to coloniality. A long stretch of hillside zone surrounding the narrow flatland along the coastline served as a natural boundary between the two ethnic groups, forming a landscape unique to Busan. In addition, by hosting the Japanese diplomatic and trading headquarters, the city had a history of interaction with Japan going back several hundred years, which facilitated the settlement of the Japanese in Busan more rapidly than any other city in Korea. This article approaches the topic of hill villages, regarded still as a symbolic landscape and space of Busan, from a historical perspective, with a focus on spatial production and arrangement, and attempts to account for the socioeconomic relations of the colonial city.
제국의 주변ㆍ조선의 중심, 경성 일본인의 心像 -교육시스템과 진로문제를 중심으로
오미일,조정민 단국대학교 일본연구소 2013 일본학연구 Vol.38 No.-
Japanese mentality for Gyeongseong(京城), surrounding area in the Empire of Japan but center of Chosun - focused on educational system and career issue This study explored mentality of Japanese people who had lived in Gyeongseong of Japanese ruling period through educational problem. First, educational system of home country and one of Gyeongseong were compared each other. And then, complex mentality about entrance to a school of higher grade and career issue were analyzed. Japanese people who had lived in Gyeongseong, surrounding area of Jeguk envied social and economic condition or educational system of home country, which led them have Gyeongseong complex unavoidably. But, on the other hand, Japanese people who came from rural areas in Japan had complex to envy Gyeongseong locality and to model it because Gyeongseong was the center of Chosun and urban culture was developed there. It can be said that such double complexes were formed from projection of placeness for Gyeongseong.
자본주의생산체제의 변화와 공간의 편성 ―일제 말기 인천지역을 중심으로―
오미일 한국근현대사학회 2010 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.53 No.-
The research has studied the space organization processes which resulted from the varied production systems of capitalism and restructuring of some areas in the Incheon area from the late 1930s until the early 1940s. It is found out that the spatial policy and organization in the colony was to maximize the profit of large Japanese enterprises corresponding to the national policy of Japan as a way of offering optimal space conditions. Moreover, the functional areas as well as various facilities created as new space are confirmed to have been facilitated by spatial division of nations and classes. Above all, the capital production systemchanged the structure of industry accompanied by the geographic variation of urban spaces in the Incheon area through the reclamation of tidelands or expansion the marginal land. In other words, the earlier urban spaces of Incheon were centered mainly on the Chunggu district of today with institutions of finance and commerce or commodity industries around the port zone, but its features were transformed into the 'Great Incheon' and Kyungin Industry Zone with the formation of new industrial spaces. The organization of the Incheon region in the late of 1930s was diverged into a 'Japanese commercial area', a 'Japanese housing zone', and ' Korean housing zone(Burak)' around the port area, which denotes the restructuring industrial sites by the theory of a continental army supply base, in keeping the frame of divergence of organization. Today, the spatial features of Incheon and the composition of factory foundation and migrating laborforces at the end of the 1930s are being resolved into historical monuments to imperialist planning of space policy and social conflicts. The result of industrial space policy remains as a plan based upon the theory of a continental army supply base during the warring period of the late 1930s.
오미일 한국사연구회 2019 한국사연구 Vol.- No.187
After liberation, the lack of supplies and murderous inflation led to the economic collapse of the general public. In a situation where it is difficult to take immediate action to increase production, a local breakthrough has given an alternative to linking producers and consumers through the establishment of co-operatives. The organizational paths of cooperatives, established in 1945-1948, can be classified into three types. First is cooperatives organized by the local People's Committee and the National Council of Korean Worker’s Unions. Second, financial unions were reorganized and transformed into cooperatives after liberation. Third, the Korea Independence Promotion National Association, a right wing alliance front, also actively promoted cooperatives with local branch organizations to expand its power. Although the three types of co-operatives differ greatly from the founders and the path, the objectives for activities in the context of severe shortages of supplies were the same, with the smooth supply of necessities. Therefore, most of the specific business contents of cooperatives were consumer unions. 해방 이후 물자 부족과 살인적인 인플레로 일반 민중들의 경제생활은 도탄에 빠졌다. 당장 근본적 방책인 생산 증대를 강구하기는 어려운 상황에서, 국부적인 타개책으로 협동조합 설립을 통해 생산자와 소비자 사이를 연결하려는 대안이 제기되었다. 1945~1948년 설립된 협동조합의 조직 경로는 크게 세 가지 유형으로 파악할 수 있다. 첫째 지역 인민위원회와 조선노동조합전국평의회 등에 의해 조직된 협동조합이다. 둘째 일제시기 금융조합이 해방 후 협동조합으로 개편, 전환된 경우이다. 셋째 우익연합전선체인 대한독립촉성국민회도 세력 확대를 위해 지방 지부 조직과 함께 협동조합 결성을 적극 추진했다. 협동조합의 세 가지 유형은 비록 설립 주체와 그 경로는 크게 다르지만, 심각한 물자 부족 상황에서 활동 목표는 원활한 생필품의 보급으로 동일했다. 따라서 협동조합의 구체적인 사업 내용은 거의 대부분 소비조합이었다.