《한국역사입문》3.5년의 産苦記

여호규 한국역사연구회 1996 한국역사연구회회보 Vol.- No.26

集安高句麗碑와 광개토왕릉비 序頭의 단락구성과 서술내용 비교

여호규 동국대학교 WISE(와이즈)캠퍼스 신라문화연구소 2015 新羅文化 Vol.45 No.-

This article contains the result of comparing the Forewords of “Koguryo Monument at Ji’an” and “Gwang’gae’to-wang Monument”. To begin with, researcher subdivides the Foreword of Gwang’gae’to-wang Monument into several paragraphs, which are based upon termination points, referring the style of the tomb epitaphs(墓碑) of the Han(漢) dynasty period. As a result, it can be separated in to three paragraphs, which are ‘a state-founding declaration of King Chumo-Wang(鄒牟王)’, ‘a state-founding narration’, and ‘Royal succession and records of a deceased King Gwanggaeto-wang's life’. This kind of paragraph assembly is also found at “Koguryo Monument at Ji’an”. At an early step like “Koguryo Monument at Ji’an”, when a codification of ‘a state-founding narration’ was just taking place, Confucian terms were used as they were. For example, there were words such as ‘the ways of Heaven(天道)’, ‘Original King(元王)’, ‘a sage of old(先聖)’ and so on. However, Koguryo had different perspectives on king from Confucianism. While Confucianism was based on “the theory of heaven’s will(天命論)” and “the theory of benevolent royal politics(王道政治論)”, Koguryo’s perspective on king was built after a theory that the king was descendant of the Heaven. Therefore, those Confucian terms, which emphasize the benevolent administration(德治) and the benign government(仁政), were not assertive enough to express a sacred character of Koguryo’s royal family. This problem was solved through transforming Confucian terms into multiple-meaning words, such as ‘Seong(Sheng, 聖)’, ‘Do(Tao, 道)’ and ‘Cheon(Tian, 天)’, and illustrated the state-founding narration by using those terms. On two Monuments, Royal succession articles were described based on ‘the Royal descendants consciousness through a singular lineage(一系的 王統意識)’, which is the concept focusing on the founder. Especially, on “Gwang’gae’to-wang Monument”, the Foreword traced events altogether, such as ‘an ascension of the founder, King Chumo-Wang(鄒牟王)’, ‘Royal succession’, and ‘records of a deceased King Gwanggaeto-wang's life’, and described into only one paragraph. This was because it makes possible to emphasize an immemorial single lineage of royal descendants. This concept, ‘the Royal descendants consciousness through a singular lineage’, was established by awareness of traditional royal succession that a relationship between the former King and the new King is “son(嗣子)”, not blood genealogical relation.

百濟의 遼西進出設 再檢討 : 4세기 후반 扶餘系 人物의 동향과 관련하여

余昊奎 진단학회 2001 진단학보 Vol.- No.91

치밀한 논리로 고구려 정치사의 난제를 부드럽게 녹여낸 역저 -<<고구려 정치사 연구>>(임기환, 한나래, 2004)-

여호규 한국역사연구회 2004 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.54

高句麗 初期의 梁貊과 小水貊

余昊奎 한국고대사학회 2002 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.25 No.-

Various local tribes and inhabitant groups were being absorbed into other certain nearby superior entities, in the age of the formation of the 3 dynasties. In the process, naturally they lost their own identities and became to assume new ones as the members of the newly created dynasties. So, to understand the nature and characteristics of the 3 dynasties' populace in their early stages of development, not only the founder groups but also the low level inhabitants, should be examined. In this study the activities of the Yangmaek(梁貊) tribes which were located at the Western border of the Koguryo dynasty in its early days, were heavily examined. The term 'Yangmaek' originally referred to the residents group located at the basin of Taejaha (太子河) river(which was called the Yangsu stream during the Chinese Han dynasty era). But after the Koguryo dynasty conquered the Sosumaek tribes of the area the term 'Yangmaek! became to assume a widened meaning referring to the entire populace of the Western border area, as the conquered tribes were considered to be of a Yangmaek-origin as well. Considering the proto-inhabitants of the Koguryo dynasty was also called 'Maek' (貊) it seems the proto-inhabitants and the Yangmaek people were indeed from similar origins. These 'Maek' figures were not related to the Maek tribe members from the Chinese Northen areas. In fact they originated from the Yaemaek tribes (穢貊族) in the ending days of the Bronze era, and formed a collective resident group. Yet they were later separated into 2 different entities (the Founder group of the Koguryo dynasty and the Yangmaek tribes), as the ironware culture was introduced to this region. In the process, the inferior Yangmaek tribe members were subjugated by the Koguryo dynasty. And the Yangmaek tribes were finally reabsorbed into it in the 4th century (A.D.) , losing all of their unique identities to become official members of the Koguryo dynasty. So as we can see, the Yangmaek tribes located at the Western borders of the Koruryo dynasty had apparently gone through various stages of divergence and assimilation before finally being enlisted as members of the dynasty. This also shows the gradual nature of the formation process of the dynasty's populace. The formation(and expansion) does seem to have still been in progress also in the later days, as there are records showing the central population of the Koguryo dynasty still consciously considering the newly subjugated inhabitant members to be of alien origins, during the reign of King Gwanggaeto.

高句麗 國內城期의 도성 경관과 토지 이용

여호규 고구려발해학회 2019 고구려발해연구 Vol.65 No.-

This article is a study of the landscape and land use patterns of the Capital city in the period of Guknae-Seong Castle(國內城) Capital in Goguryeo dynasty. Before the middle of the third century, the number of the Capital city dwellers was small, and large-scale artificial facilities were not much contrasted. The landscape of the Capital city has yet to be formed in earnest. So as, in the early days of moving the capital to Guknae-Seong Castle area, only the military defense ministry was built in case of an emergency, and not the fortress wall in its usual stronghold. The scope of the Capital city's space was limited to the Maxiangou(麻線溝) valley where its usual stronghold is located and to the military defense area, while the rest area of the Jian(集安) basin was used as agricultural land etc. Since the middle of the third century, the population of the Capital city has greatly increased due to the establishment of the centralized government system, and the goods received from each part have been transported to the Capital via the Yalu River waterway. As a result, the Guknae-Seong site, where the waterway of the Yalu River is easily accessible because of a river island, has emerged as a usual stronghold. In the first half of the fourth century, the Capital city's landscape, including a tile-built buildings, was also quickly formed, and in 342 the fortress wall was built to prepare for the invasion of former Yan(前燕). At this time, the urban area was mainly formed around the Guknae-Seong site. However, as royal class tombs of the mega stone mound were spreaded over the whole Jian basin, the spatial scope of the Capital area was greatly expanded. The expanded scope of the Capital area was used as a graveyard for the people of the Capital people and as a site for various manual industrial production facilities. As food resources of the capital people were supplied from outside in a steady way through the establishment of the centralized government system, the land near the Capital city was used for purposes other than farmland. The change in the way of the government operates has had a huge impact on the landscape and land use of the Capital city. 이 글은 국내성 시기의 도성경관과 토지이용 양상을 고찰한 것이다. 3세기 중반 이전에는 도성민의 수가 적었고, 대규모 인공시설도 많이 조영되지 않았다. 아직 도성경관이본격적으로 형성되지 않았던 것이다. 이에 國內 遷都 직후에는 비상시 군사방어성만 축조하고 평상시 거점에는 성곽을 축조하지 않았다. 도성의 공간범위는 평상시 거점이 위치한 麻線溝 지역과 군사방어성 일대로 국한되었고, 集安盆地의 나머지 지역은 농경지 등으로 활용되었다. 3세기 중반 이후 중앙집권체제 정비로 도성의 인구가 크게 증가하고, 각지에서 수취한 물자가 鴨綠江 水路 를 통해 도성으로 운송되었다. 이에 따라 여러 하천이 합류하는 지점의 河中島로 압록강 수로를 쉽게 이용할수 있는 국내성지 일대가 평상시 거점으로 부상했다. 4세기 전반에 기와 건물을 비롯한 도성 경관도 빠르게형성되었고, 342년에는 前燕의 침공에 대비하기 위해 성벽을 축조했다. 이 무렵 시가구역은 주로 국내성지를 중심으로 형성되었지만, 왕릉급 초대형적석묘가 集安盆地 전역에 조성되며 도성의 공간범위가 크게 확장되었다. 확장된 도성의 공간범위는 도성민의 무덤이나 각종 수공업 생산시설 부지로 활용되었다. 중앙집권체제 정비로 도성민의 식량자원을 외부에서 안정적으로 조달함에 따라 도성 인근의 평지가 농경지 이외의 용도로 활용된 것이다. 국가운영 방식의 변화가 도성경관과 토지이용 양상에 큰 영향을 미쳤던 것이다.

新發見 <高乙德墓誌銘>을 통해 본 高句麗 末期의 中裏制와 中央官制

여호규 공주대학교 백제문화연구소 2016 백제문화 Vol.0 No.54

This study considered the gwandeung, which is patterns of official rank, and aspect of operation of center government at the end of Goguryeo era by looking into official titles from <Epitaph of the Gao Yide>. First, through writing method of Gwanryek, this study could find the fact an editor of the epitaph classified gwandeung and gwanjik, which is the public office position, and promotion in status of the gwandeung was considered importantly. In addition, a official title in charge of the sangsa was written with ‘keep’ separated from the words like ‘giving’ or ‘appointment’ used in case of gwandeung and gwanjik and it indicates that an official task of another system is distinct from general gwanjik. In <Epitaph of the Gao Yide>, it was emphasized that the Gao Yide’s family was awared Joongrisohyeong. The Sangsa in the epitaph indicates the work of state which is administered by the crown.The sabudaebu which Gobu held was a minister of central government agency related to national finance and it correspond to Taebusa of Tang Dynasty. Also, the Pyeongdaejijik that Gojam held was understood like official task or members of political organization which was called Habjwagigu and it was similar to the jeongsadang of Tang Dynasty. Gobu and Gojam also served as the Sangsa administered by the crown as well as Taebusa and Pyeongdaejijik. The center government was operated and divided broadly into private and official part at the end of Goguryeo era. 이 글은 <고을덕묘지명>의 官名을 검토하여 고구려 말기의 中裏系 官等과 中央官制의 운영양상을 새롭게 고찰한 것이다. 먼저 官歷의 기재방식을 통해 墓誌銘 撰者가 官等과 官職을 구분했을 뿐 아니라, 官等의 昇格을 중시한 사실을 파악할 수 있었다. 또한 ‘垧事’의 담당을 관등 수여[受]나 관직 임명[任]과 구분하여 ‘執’으로 기재했는데, 이는 일반 관직과 구별되는 또 다른 계통의 職任이 존재한 사실을 시사한다. <고을덕묘지명>에서는 高乙德 가문이 中裏小兄을 수여받은 사실이 강조되고 있다. 종래 中裏系 官等을 국왕의 측근세력이나 국왕 근시직으로 파악하는 경향이 강하였지만, 기본적으로 관등의 일종이며, 그 성격은 관등제의 운영과 연관시켜 이해할 필요가 있다. 묘지명에 나오는 ‘垧事’는 왕실이 관장하던 국가의 牧馬 업무를 지칭한다. 그리고 국왕근시나 궁중사무는 국왕의 거주영역인 ‘內裏[中裏]’에서 이루어졌는데, 일반 관서체계와 구분하여 운영하였다. 中裏系 官等도 ‘內裏[中裏]’와의 관련 아래 형성되었는데, 각 귀족 가문의 신분과 정치적 위상을 승계할 자제에게 수여했으며, 주로 이들 가운데 국왕 근시나 궁중사무를 담당할 관원을 선발했다. 高孚가 역임한 ‘司府大夫’는 唐의 太府寺에 상응하는 국가재정 관련 중앙관서의 장관이며, 高岑이 역임한 ‘評臺之職’은 唐의 政事堂에 상응하는 최고위 合坐機構의 직임이나 구성원으로 파악된다. 고구려 말기에는 고위 관등이 직능별로 분화되었을 것으로 파악되었는데, 太大使者가 주로 실무 중앙관서의 장관에 임명되었다면, 位頭大兄이나 太大兄은 주로 將軍職에 임명되거나 兵馬事를 관장했다. 특히 주로 太大兄 중에서 선임한 ‘對盧官’이 최고위 귀족회의(‘評臺’)를 구성하여 국가중대사를 관장했다. 高孚와 高岑은 ‘司府大夫’와 ‘評臺之職’이라는 고위직에 임명됨과 더불어 왕실이 관장하던 ‘垧事’도 겸임했다. 다만 이들이 역임한 ‘司府大夫’․‘評臺之職’와 ‘垧事’ 사이에 상하 통할관계나 직접적인 연관성은 없다. 고구려 말기의 중앙관제가 크게 왕실의 사적 영역과 국가의 공적 영역으로 나뉘어져 운영되었던 것이다. 이중 왕실의 사적 영역은 국왕과의 主從關係에서 출발한 中裏系 官等을 통해 운영했다. 국가의 공적 영역은 고위 관등을 직능별로 분화시켜 크게 행정실무를 분장한 중앙관서의 장관과 군사 업무를 담당한 장군직-막리지 등 두 계통으로 나누어 운영했다.

한국 고대의 국가형성

여호규 한국역사연구회 1996 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.19

高句麗 中期의 武器體系와 兵種構成

余昊奎 國防軍事硏究所 1999 韓國 軍事史 硏究 Vol.2 No.-

설림: 중국의 東北工程과 高句麗史 인식체계의 변화

여호규 한국사연구회 2004 한국사연구 Vol.126 No.-