동아시아 국가 미래비전과 할랄정책 비교연구

엄익란(Eum, Ikran) 한국이슬람학회 2018 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.28 No.2

China, Japan, and Taiwan began to pursue policies related to halal industry from the early of 2010s onwards. These countries are similar in their recognition of the necessity for nurturing halal industries within their countries for economic diversification despite less than 1~2% of their population being Muslim. Therefore, the motivation for entering the halal market did not spontaneously emerge by market necessity but was artificially introduced by top-down governmental policies. This situation is very similar to Korea. However, halal policy is differently developed in each country as their history of acceptance for Islam also differs. In this context, this study aims to elucidate the implications for Korea’s halal market advancement strategy through a comparative study of China, Japan, and Taiwan’s halal industry policies.

걸프지역 COVID-19 사례로 본 수니 무슬림의 반시아 종파주의 담론 분석

엄익란(Eum, IkRan) 한국중동학회 2021 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.41 No.3

This study analyzes Sunni Muslims’ anti-Shia hatred sentiment under COVID-19 conditions. COVID-19 has emerged as a new fomenting element of sectarian conflict between Sunni and Shia in the Middle East. Since the WHO declared COVID-19 as a pandemic in March 2020, the virus has spread indiscriminately worldwide regardless of class, gender, age, and religion. Exploiting the ‘infodemic’ phenomenon, COVID-19 surpasses unfound fears toward other groups and amplifies hatred toward otherness. In the Middle Eastern region, the COVID-19 pandemic has restructured Sunni Muslim’s anti-Shia prejudice and hatred to a new level. Sectarianism, before COVID-19 was shaped by actual conflicts and violence that occurred on the front lines between Saudi supported Sunni groups and Iran supported Shia groups. The current sectarianism occurs in the online space, reinforcing ‘civilization and science’ vs. ‘barbarism and superstition’ discourse and ‘Islamic’ and ‘non-Islamic’ theological dimensions, regarding COVID-19 as God’s punishment. In addition, COVID-19 further deepened sectarianism at the grassroots level. This study is distinguished from previous studies as it highlights sectarianism in the Middle East from the perspective of the pandemic that threatens the security and stability of the region.

걸프국가 소프트파워 구축전략과 한계 연구 : 사우디아라비아, 아랍에미리트, 카타르 문화산업을 중심으로

엄익란(Eum, IkRan) 한국중동학회 2020 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.41 No.1

미국의 정치학자 조셉 나이(Joseph Nye)는 “문화의 시대”라 일컬어지는 21세기, 한 국가의 외교전략 패러다임은 “하드파워”에서 “소프트파워”로 전환된다고 주장하였다. 걸프국가는 포스트오일 시대를 대비하여 자원자본을 활용한 기존의 국가발전 전략을 대체할 새로운 패러다임을 문화산업과 소프트파워 구축에서 찾고 있다. 이들 국가는 문화를 새로운 부의 원천으로 간주하고 있으며, 문화산업을 통한 산업다변화를 목표하고 있기 때문이다. 본 연구에서는 걸프국가 중 사우디아라비아, 아랍에미리트, 카타르를 중심으로 국가별 소프트파워 구축전략을 분석하고 그 한계를 연구하는 것을 목표로 한다. 이를 위해 본문에서는 소프트파워의 개념을 우선적으로 리뷰하고, 국가별 소프트파워 구축전략의 특징을 분석했으며, 그 한계를 첫째, 모방과 경쟁적인 소프트파워 강화전략과 보여주기 식의 “박제화”된 전통문화; 둘째, 국민의 호응이 부족한 통치가문의 제2세대가 추진하는 “펫 프로젝트(Pet Project)”, 셋째, 정치개혁 없이 경제발전만 강조한 결과 나타난 소프트파워 영향력 와해 현상 차원에서 분석하였다. Joseph Nye argued that national diplomatic paradigms shifted from ‘hard power’ to ‘soft power’ in the 21st century of ‘age of culture.’ In preparation for the post-oil era, the Gulf states are looking for a paradigm shift from a hard power building strategy to soft power through the development of cultural industry. These countries regard culture as a new source of wealth, and aim for economic diversification by enhancing tourism and sports events. This study analyzes the soft power construction strategies of Gulf countries with a focus on Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Qatar, and its limitations. To this end, this study reviews the concept of soft power and analyzes the characteristics of the soft power construction strategies in each of these countries. The paper discuss the soft power construction strategies from three perspectives: overheated competition among the three countries to enhance soft power, the lack of public consensus on the ‘pet project’ promoted by the second generation of the ruling family, and the ‘soft power disempowerment’ phenomenon emerged as a result of stressing economic achievement without political reform.

"Urfi marriage, an Egyptian Version of Cohabitation?

IkRan Eum(엄익란) 한국중동학회 2005 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.25 No.2

  글자 그대로 풀이하면 우르피 결혼은 “관습 혼”, 혹은 “사실혼”을 지칭한다. “관습 혼”이 암시하듯 이집트에서 행해지는 우르피 결혼의 전통은 길다. 그러나 우르피 결혼은 부부가 결혼 계약서를 법원에 등록하지 않는다는 점과 결혼 후 그들만의 보금자리를 따로 꾸미지도 않는다는 점에서 일반적인 결혼과는 구별된다.<BR>  결혼 후 한 지붕 아래에서 살지 않는 이들을 부부로서 묶어주는 끈은 임의로 작성한, 정부에 등록되지 않은, 결혼 계약서와 성 관계뿐이다. 비록 정부에 등록되지 않는 우르피 결혼의 특성으로 인하여 그 정확한 숫자를 집계하기는 어렵지만 오늘날 이집트 일부 젊은이들 간에 우르피 결혼이 성행하고 있다고 알려져 있다. 이를 반영하듯 최근 이집트의 텔레비전 프로그램이나 영화는 일부 젊은이들 간에 행해지고 있는 우르피 결혼에 대한 주제를 종종 다루고 있다.<BR>  오늘날 일부 젊은이들 간에 행해지고 있는 우르피 결혼을 분석한 본 논문에서는 합법적인 이슬람식 결혼의 충족 요건과 우르피 결혼의 비교를 통해 우르피 결혼의 적법성 여부를 이슬람법 틀에서 토론하였다. 또 우르피 결혼과 비슷한 결혼 형태인 이란의 무타 혼과 사우디아라비아의 미스야르혼을 소개하고, 이에 대한 남녀의 의식차이와 그 원인을 분석하였다. 마지막으로 본 논문에서는 오늘날 이집트 일부 젊은이들이 왜 우르피 결혼을 선택하고 있는지 그 이유를 분석하고, 다음과 같은 잠정적인 결론에 도달하였다.<BR>  우르피 결혼은 - 현재 이집트 사회가 직면한 경제적 악재 속에서 - 한편으로는 외부, 특히 서구의 개방 문화를 수용하고, 다른 한편으로는 보수적인 이슬람의 규범들을 준수하려는 젊은이들의 변명 섞인 선택으로 해석되어 질 수 있다. 우르피 결혼을 통해 젊은이들은 이슬람에서 금지된 혼전성관계를 맺고, 이를 통해 보수적인 이슬람 사회에서 나름대로 이성에 대한 애정과 성 의식을 표현한다. 하지만 젊은이들은 이슬람식 결혼의 필수요소인 - 비록 상징적이긴 하지만 - 마흐르와 두 증인의 존재를 내세워 자신들의 결혼에 정통성과 정당성을 부여하고, 이를 통해 죄책감에서 해방되려 한다. 이집트의 우르피 결혼은 비록 서구의 동거 패턴과는 다르지만 경제 상황을 고려한 젊은이들의 애정과 성 욕구 해결이라는 맥락에서 이집트 판 동거로 간주되어 질 수 있겠다.

니따까트 제도 도입에 따른 사우디 여성의 노동시장 진출 향방 연구

엄익란 ( Ikran Eum ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2015 중동연구 Vol.34 No.2

Saudi Arabia has worked to nationalize its labor force (so-called Saudization) since the middle of the 1990s, with the objective of solving chronic labor market problems that include a heavy reliance on foreign workers, and youth unemployment. However, as this policy has not achieved the desired outcomes, in June 2011 the Saudi government introduced the Nitaqat policy, which forces private companies to employ Saudi nationals according to a quota system. Whether or not the Nitaqat policy has been effective is controversial. Since there has been an increase in Saudi youth employment in the private realm, the Saudi government considers it a success, however more than 200,000 companies have closed, due to their employment of high cost, unproductive Saudi nationals. It seems that the Saudi government prefers to maintain the status quo of inner national security and stability, rather than strive for economic effectiveness, in order to prevent a second Arab Spring. Saudi women have been regarded as the biggest beneficiaries of the Nitaqat policy, as their employment rate increased eightfold by 2013. Taking the Nitaqat system and its controversial effectiveness into consideration, this study aims to explore the impacts of the Nitaqat policy on the Saudi economy and political system, and to predict possible changes to components of Saudi society that currently have negative perceptions of women’s work.

이란의 종교 민족주의 관점에서 본 여성의 머리카락과 히잡 연구

엄익란(Ikran Eum) 한국이슬람학회 2023 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.33 No.1

Since mid-September in 2022, anti-government protest sparked by anti-hijab protest have continued in Iran. Iranian women opposed the government’s compulsory hijab law with the slogan “Women, Life, Freedom”, and the scale of the protest mushroomed with participation of Iranian men and women in other countries through SNS. This study considered the less explored question of “why does women’s hair matter,” which triggered the current protest. Hair is a private component of the human body. However, it is revealed or hidden depending on the socio-cultural context, symbolizing women’s sexuality. Since the establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran in 1979, the Islamic regime has strengthened religious nationalism, and hijab has become a political tool. And now, it is even expanding into a security issue of the regime, as the government pinpointed the US and Israel as being the behind the protest. This study aims to identify the relation between women’s hair and politicized hijab within the discourse of religious nationalism, which control Iranian women at various levels. This study is meaningful in that it analyzes hair and sexuality from the perspective of the Islamic public patriarchal system and add a new case study to the discourse on hijab by interpreting it from the discourse of religious nationalism.

무슬림 관광의 개념적 정의에 대한 연구 이슬람 관광, 할랄 관광, 무슬림 친화 관광을 중심으로

엄익란 ( Eum Ikran ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2017 중동연구 Vol.36 No.1

The Muslim tourism market is rapidly growing on a global scale. The industry`s total value was calculated at 151 billion USD in 2015; more specifically, travel services entitled with Muslim-Friendly tourism were found to be worth 24 billion USD in the same year. With the rise of this particular consumer segment, Korea has begun to see an influx of Muslim tourists. In response, Korea`s domestic tourism industry is developing products and services that are compatible with the Islamic doctrine. Such products are referred to as `Islamic Tourism`, `Halal Tourism`, `Shariah Tourism`, and `Muslim-Friendly Tourism`. However, the conceptual definitions of these terms are still ambiguous, and they are often used interchangeably. The purpose of this study is to define various terminologies used in Muslim tourism market, and to analyze related controversies mentioned in previously published articles in Korea and abroad. Results of this analysis will be useful in creating products and services that are compatible with and sensitive to the needs of Muslim tourists.

Digital Media and Newly Visible Saudi Women in a Transitional Era: Case Study of BTS Riyadh Concert and Saudi ARMY Fandom

엄익란(Eum, Ikran) 한국아랍어아랍문학회 2021 아랍어와 아랍문학 Vol.25 No.3

사우디아라비아는 2016년 4월 ‘사우디 비전 2030’ 출범과 함께 온건 이슬람(Moderate Islam)을 모토로 개방정책을 펼치면서 급격한 사회변화를 겪고 있다. 2017년에는 공공장소에서 엄격하게 금지하던 노래와 춤을 허용하였고, 대중의 ‘즐길권리’도 인정하고 있다. 2019년 한국의 7인조 남성그룹인 BTS의 사우디 리야드 단독 공연은 사우디 사회의 이러한 변화를 보여주고 있다. BTS의 사우디 콘서트는 사우디 비전 2030을 실현하려는 정부의 의지와 변화하는 사우디 사회의 새로운 여성상을 함축적으로 보여준다. 과거에는 주로 사적영역에 머물며 공적영역에서는 드러나지 않고 힘없는 존재로 인식되던 사우디 여성은 이제 사우디 개방정책을 계기로 사회변화를 상징하는 존재로 부상하고 있다. 이러한 변화속에서 사우디 여성은 디지털 미디어를 적극적으로 활용하며 공적공간에서 자신의 목소리를 내며 존재감을 드러내고 있다. 이에 본 연구는 2019년 10월 BTS의 리야드 공연이 성공적으로 마무리 될 수 있도록 디지털 미디어를 적극적으로 활용하며 정부를 지원하고 협업했던 사우디 BTS 팬클럽 ARMY의 사례를 조명하며 디지털 미디어와 젠더 관계의 역동성을 탐구하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 본 연구를 통해 사우디 여성들, 특히 젊은 여성들은 디지털 미디어를 활용하여 전통적인 성역할과 인식에 도전하고 있음을 알 수 있다. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) has undergone rapid changes with the launch of Saudi Vision 2030 in April 2016. With the motto “moderate Islam,” the Saudi authorities recently permitted singing and dancing in public spaces. Considering the country’s conservative image and as a society that had strictly forbidden the “right to enjoy” by banning entertainment up until 2017 in public spaces, the 2019 concert by seven-member South Korean boy band BTS in Riyadh represented a revolutionary social change in KSA. The concert symbolizes not only the government’s intent to realize Saudi Vision 2030 but also the emergence of the newly visible Saudi woman with their own voice. This study aims to explore the dynamics between digital media and gender issues through the case of Saudi’s BTS fan club, ARMY. By participating in online and offline fandom activities, young Saudi women challenge conventional gender roles and gendered spaces

한국식품의 GCC 시장진출을 위한 수출경쟁력 조사연구 - 사우디아라비아와 아랍에미리트를 중심으로 -

엄익란 ( Eum Ikran ),박유경 ( Park Yukyong ),이병서 ( Lee Byongseo ),조영찬 ( Jo Youngchan ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2018 중동연구 Vol.37 No.1

The purpose of this study is to identify promising Korean agricultural products for advancement in the Gulf Cooperation Council(GCC) food market with a focus on Saudi Arabia and the UAE, and to analyze the export competitiveness for the selected items based on KANO and TIMKO model. To this end, this study employed a focus group interview, participation in Dubai Food Festivals, face to face consumer sensory evaluation, and in-depth interviews with distributors from August 2017 to December 2017. The study found that dried fruit/vegetable chips, Korean traditional beverages and fresh food were competitive while Korean ethnic foods such as gochujang and tteokbokki were not well known. The study result suggests that the improvement of product favorability and purchase intention should be encouraged through food tasting, promotion and advertisement, and development of various recipes using ingredients familiar to local consumers.

COVID-19가 중동국가에 미치는 여파 연구: 인간안보 관점을 중심으로

엄익란 ( Ikran Eum ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2020 중동연구 Vol.39 No.2

The WHO declared COVID-19 as a ‘pandemic’ on 12 March 2020, and it signals a third wave with approaching the end of the year. COVID-19 has had serious impacts on the global economy and has brought about an abrupt change in daily life of people with ‘social distance’ measures. COVID-19 has shifted the traditional concept of national security from the perspective of infectious disease and human security. The Middle East is a fragile region in terms of human security, as defined by The United Nations Development Program(UNDP) in 1994. COVID-19 not only showed the countries’ weak medical system and national competence but also revealed the authoritarian nature of the political system of the Middle Eastern government, vulnerability to rent economy based on revenues from oil, tourism, overseas aid, and remittance. In addition, social tensions raised by sectarian conflict, social inequality, and gender discrimination as a result of COVID-19. These issues have existed even before the COVID-19 outbreak, however, it has surfaced the issues that were submerged during a peaceful period. The purpose of this study is to analyze the impact of the COVID-19 outbreak in the Middle East countries from the perspective of human security. This study distinguishes previous studies that approach security issues of the Middle East, mainly from international relations.