都市計劃樹立上의 問題點과 改善方向

安泰煥(Ahn Tae-Hwan) 대한국토·도시계획학회 1997 國土計劃 Vol.32 No.3

라틴아메리카 좌파정치의 새로운 주체(대중)의 출현

안태환(Ahn, Tae-Hwan) 한국외국어대학교 중남미연구소 2016 중남미연구 Vol.35 No.1

본 연구는 라틴아메리카 좌파정치의 변혁을 제도적 또는 이념적으로 접근하는 것이 아니라 1980년대 이후 전개된 신자유주의 정책들로 인해 사회경제적으로 배제된 대중이 베네수엘라의 정치변혁에서 집단적 주체로 출현하였음을 분석하려는 것이다. 그리고 그 출현의 동력이 그들 대중이 가지고 있는 일상적 삶의 방식에 있음을 확인하려고 한다. 자본주의체제 안에 살면서도 항상 그 너머를 지향하는 집단적, 바로크적 에토스가 그 동력이다. 그리고 라틴아메리카 대중과 사회운동의 약 오백년의 위계서열적 억압에서 해방하려는 의지는 라틴아메리카를 ‘라틴’이후의 아메리카로 만들고 있다. 차베스 혁명의 성격과 의미는 매우 복합적인데, 가장 중요한 것은 대중권력의 출현이다. 주민평의회를 제도화시켜 국가와 민주주의의 재구성을 실천하고 있다. 그러나 차베스 혁명세력은 원유에의 지나친 의존과 부정부패 등 취약한 구조를 가지고 있어 최근 2015년 12월의 총선 패배는 예상된 일이었다. 왜냐하면 차베스 생존 시 부터 저명한 좌파학자들로부터 차베스의 권위주의적 리더십과 토론 부재에 대한 비판 또는 경고가 있어 왔기 때문이다. This study aims for approaching to the radical changes of Latin american leftist politics not through the institutional or ideological analysis but showing that those owe to the apparition of people as new collective subjects in Venezuela. And their motors have been the daily collective way of life of people "excluded" by the neoliberal social-economic policies since the 1980s, which is named as baroque ethos. It pushes always toward beyond the capitalism even though living within itself. The latin american people and social movements have the will to accomplish the emancipation from five hundred years of hierarchical oppression. And this will makes Latin America as Post-"latin" America. The political meanings of the Chavez Revolution are very complex but the most important one is the apparition of people and by this apparition of people"s collective power with the presence of Communal Councils, the reconstruction of the state and the democracy is carried away. But the Chavez Revolution has also received from the many leftist academics the criticism in a sense that the leadership of Chavez should have been very authoritarian and absent of internal discussion.

병영 생활 중 발생한 코막힘 및 외비변형 환자의 빠른 전투력 복원을 위한 새로운 외비 성형수술법(국소 마취하에 handsaw를 이용한 외비 성형술)

안태환 ( Tae-hwan Ahn ),윤태일 ( Tea-il Yeun ) 국군의무사령부 2003 대한군진의학학술지 Vol.34 No.1

도시개발에 있어 관 민 파트너쉽에 관한 연구

안태환(Ahn Tae Hwan) 한국지역개발학회 1993 韓國地域開發學會誌 Vol.5 No.2

The purpose of this paper is to examine the meaning, necessity and types of the public-private partnership(PPP) and to analyze a case study on the urban development on the foreign countries and Korea. This study also attempts to identify the major problems and tasks on applying the PPP into urban and regional development field in Korea. Since 1980`s, it has been recognized to induce the private fund and skill into the public development sector. Thus America and England used PPP as a method of promoting regional economic growth and urban renewal projects. In particular, Japan used the third sector as an another form of PPP. In this study, the development cases in foreign countries are examined in terms of PPP perspectives and found some characteristics as follows : (1) waterfront renewal and land reclamation are most typical projects in major cities. (2) most projects are planned and constructed for foreign, future, and information oriented districts. (3) most sites are propelled with various development techniques. (4) public corporation has strong powers of the initiative and management to implement the projects. Thus local public corporation, transportation related facilities, privatalization of public service and the third sector projects in Korea are examined on the necessity, major problems, and tasks of PPP, etc. The major findings are followings : it is needed to (1) understand the necessity of partnership and establish the new morals and philosophies for higher level of partnership ; (2) consider the character and priority of projects, geographical coditions, etc. ; (3) specify the merit of public or private sector for implementing partner ship ; (4) give the participants various incentives ; (5) revise the legal, financial, and tax supporting system for promoting partnership.

사회적 소수자를 바라보는 두 개의 시각-포스트식민주의와 탈식민성 담론

안태환(Ahn, Tae-Hwan) 부산대학교 인문학연구소 2014 코기토 Vol.- No.75

사회적 소수자를 바라보는 포스트식민주의(poscolonialismo)와 탈식민성(decolonialidad) 담론은 서로 비슷하면서도 뚜렷한 차이를 보인다. 전자와 후자 모두 인종주의(식민주의)에 대해 날카롭게 비판하고 있고 신자유주의의 흐름에 대해서도 비판적이다. 그러나 인종주의가 언제부터 시작 되었는가를 두고 차이가 난다. 전자는 2차 대전 이후 정치, 법적, 제도적으로 탈식민화가 이루어졌지만 사회문화적으로 인종주의가 지속됨을 주로 2차 언어(문학 작품)의 해석을 통해 비판한다. 이에 비해 후자는 1492년의 유럽에 의한 라틴아메리카의 정복에서부터 인종주의, 근대성, 자본주의 체제가 인종사이의 위계서열적인 차별성 또는 폭력성(식민성)을 핵심요소를 하고 출발했음을 비판한다. 그리고 현재의 신자유주의 체제는 이런 거시적 세계체제의 흐름의 절정으로 인식한다. 식민성은 권력과 지식을 통해 유포되고 시민들에게 일상생활의 무의식 또는 상식으로 작동한다. 그리고 근대성은 유럽중심적 지식임에도 불구하고 보편성을 획득하고 있다. 이에 대해 탈식민성 담론은 지식 생산의 지정학적 차이를 강조하는 ‘식민적 차이’의 개념을 통해 근대성의 보편성을 거부하고 세계에는 서로 다른 복수의 보편성이 있음을 주장하고 있다. 그러나 포스트식민주의는 보편적 근대성의 재 영토화를 주장함으로써 근대성과 신자유주의의 세계 ‘밖’을 상상할 수 없고 식민성과 식민주의를 구별하지 않는다. 그리고 포스트식민주의는 여성, 원주민 등에 접근할 때에도 구체적 장소에 기초하지 않고 추상적 보편적 접근을 선호하여 구체적 맥락을 무시한다. 그 결과 지나치게 지식인적 ‘글쓰기’의 절대화로 나타나며 모든 것을 ‘문화’로 환원한다. 그리고 인종주의의 단절을 위해 더욱 평등하고 정의로운 세계를 향한 시민의 각성과 계몽적 교육을 강조한다. 그러나 탈식민성 담론은 1980~1990년대 라틴아메리카의 대중이 스스로 근대성과 신자유주의의 극복을 위한 저항의 주체가 되었고 정치 체제의 급진적 변혁을 가져오고 있음을 인식하고 있다. 그리고 근대적 이성에 대한 강력한 비판이 신자유주의에 대한 대안적 상상력의 출발점이라고 주장하고 있다. The two discourses of Postcolonialism and Decoloniality for Social Minorities, even somehow have similarities like that they criticize the colonialism and the trend of neoliberalism. But they show us very critical differences on how or when begins the colonialism. The former emphasizes after the second World War on the ground that the colonialism persists around the cultural sphere even after the political or legal or institutional decolonization through the critical reading and interpretation of the literary works meanwhile the latter concentrates the year 1492 of the european conquest of Latin America when began the modernity and capitalism whose concealed side is the coloniality as the racial hierarchy of discrimination and violence. And realizes that the recent neoliberalism is the some kind of utmost development of the coloniality. The modernity wears the universality even though it has the eurocentric system of reason. The discourse of Decoloniality rejects the universal monopoly of eurocentric knowledge production by means of the concept of “the colonial difference”. Walter Mignolo names it as “Pluriversality”. But the Postcolonialism insists of “Reterritorialization” of the universal modernity as the mode of resolution of the problems of the colonialism regardless of the very different concrete contexts in which reside the social minorities as women, indigenous people, etc, because they can not imagine the “outside” of the Neoliberal World System. Therefore it depends too much on the writings of the intellectuals and prefers the reductionism of “the culture”. But on the contrary, the discourse of Decoloniality emphasizes on criticizing the Universal Modern Reason in order to overcome the current neoliberalism and goes together with the social movements of the Latin American poor people who resisted bravely especially on the decades of 80s and 90s.

대도시 주변지역의 실태와 개발방향

安泰煥(Ahn Tae-Hwan) 대한국토·도시계획학회 1989 國土計劃 Vol.24 No.3

페론체제(1943-1955)와 ‘대중’의 사회적 주체의 출현

안태환(Tae Hwan Ahn) 부산외국어대학교 중남미지역원 2011 이베로아메리카 Vol.13 No.1

The long standing people's culture of Latin America based on social solidarity of the communities makes the political relations between the leader and the people very different from them of the european societies based on the representative democracy. At any rate, the main stream of the Populist Discourses sees the real populist political processes with the pejorative senses attributing the demagogue style of the leaders. In these sense, it is very important to re-consider the populism discourses of Ernesto Laclau who thinks that the populism is a way of interpreting the emergence of the people to establish the social demands in the context of populist real politics. According to Laclau, “the populism seeks for the radical reconfiguration of the revolt of the ‘Status Quo’ and new order”. This work will confirm if this interpretation of Laclau can be applied to Peronist political regime. Meanwhile the first group of the orthodox line of the discourses on populism including Gino Germani shows that the populism is a political movement based on the manipulation and demagogue by the charismatic leader of the irrational mass during the period in transition after the crises of the traditional oligarchy in Latin America. And another line of the main stream of discourses on populism including Cardoso and O'Donnell says that the populism is a political phenomena in a period of transition towards the modernization and the national development by means of the industrialization through the substitution of the imports and the alliance between the classes after the 1930's. But these principal interpretations on populism disregards that in Argentina many urban poor working class people had lived under the racist, unequal painful social relations due to the underestimation and the discrimination by the upper and the middle class with many intellectuals. But Peronism had considered them as the new social subjects with human dignities. And so we have to rethink the clientelism also with another meanings. In this sense, the theories of Ernesto Laclau on populism is very helpful to illuminate the sensitive and ambiguous meanings of Peronism. Especially Peronism makes the urban working class maintain their life styles more tended to them of the traditional communities and go towards the anti-Status Quo. That is a key of success of Peronism not only that time but until these days. And so this study will show that it is the most important thing that Peronist regime had made the emergence of the ‘people’ in the meaning of advancing the democracy in Argentina.

언어,교육 : 칠레 민주연합 정부의 신자유주의 교육 정책방향의 비판적 접근

안태환 ( Tae Hwan Ahn ) 경희대학교 비교문화연구소 2012 비교문화연구 Vol.29 No.-

The Chilean educative policies as the Voucher System and the privatization have been almost same from the Pinochet government and the ones of "Concertacion" or "Democratic Alliances" until now. Because the neoliberal regime has dominated principally in Chile the area of the education. In this study first of all I will analyze the procedures of the violent repression of the leftist politicians and the intellectuals of the universities by the Pinochet government. And the importance of the reform of the law of education in 1980 was emphasized and the other one in 1990 one day before the retirement of Pinochet. We can comprehend the fact that the education would have been used as a tool to achieve the development of the country and the economic one sacrificing the public and equalitarian values of the education. And the competence, the efficiency and the quality of the education have been emphasized through the policies as example the rights of the selection of the schools by the parents as like a product in the market. But the result was the enormorors expansion of the private education not only in the secondary schools but also in the universities. And also has been intensified "the segregation and the discrimination" of the students jerarquitized by the different social-economic levels of the parents. The Chilean people including the middle class did not realize rightly the inherent problems of the neoliberal regime having the equivocation as if the private schools should have been better than the public ones. However the high level of the public university education became to be dominated by the acomodated class. This was the cause of the last year`s great scale of the demonstration of the Chilean students. The most important thing is that these matters was agravated not by the Pinochet government but by the ones of "Concertacion" or "Democratic Alliances". Because these governments tried to maintain the neoliberal regime by means of the education only arranging the small problems or contratiempos.

문학,문화 : 탈발전(Posdesarrollo)의 정치생태학 연구소고 -아르뚜로 에스꼬바르의 비판이론을 중심으로

안태환 ( Tae Hwan Ahn ) 경희대학교 비교문화연구소 2011 비교문화연구 Vol.22 No.-

This study has as a object to investigate some various meanings of the discourses of postdevelopment of Arturo Escobar with the respect of the social movements of the indigenous and the afro-colombians in the area of the Pacific Coast of Colombia. The ideological lines of Escobar go around the group of critical discourse Modernity/(De)coloniality whose thesis lies on revealing the coloniality as principal elements of the modernity from the XVI century until now culminating in the neoliberal globalization. In another words, they try to seek for the alternative globalization based on the autonomy of the people who has been alienated for long time as ``others`` by the eurocentrism of the power and the knowledge and on the equality of the cultural differences o the cosmovisions in Latin America. Escobar concentrates on the fact that the neoliberal regime would turn the nature into the environment considered as the resources for example the traditional knowledges of biodiversity of the indigenous as the capital of the pharmaceutical companies through the patents. However, the indigenous and the afro-colombians have fought fiercely to have them be maintained as a colective right of the possession not only to guard the economic interests but also their proper cultural traditions and the way of life based on the social solidarity of reciprocal care instead of the occidental individualism. This corresponds not only to the social relations but between the nature and the human society. And so, Arturo Escobar interprets these movements not only to defend the places but to express the cosmovisions of Postdevelopment further more the modern paradigm of nation-state.

A Relationship between Residence, Income and Occupation in the Selected American Metropolitan Area

安泰煥(Tae-Hwan Ahn) 대한국토·도시계획학회 1985 國土計劃 Vol.20 No.2