포커스 : 중국의 민족 문제: “중화민족”, 한족 그리고 “소수민족”

안치영 성균관대학교 동아시아학술원 2008 동아시아 브리프 Vol.3 No.2

중국의 간부 퇴직 제도의 형성과 그 의의

안치영 현대중국학회 2018 現代中國硏究 Vol.20 No.3

The purpose of this article is to clarify the formation and application of the cadre retirement system in China and its characteristics and political implications. The Chinese retirement system was formed after the reform as a substitute for cadre’s life-long tenure. The cadre retirement system in China is composed of age limits, job term limits, and informal age requirements. The cadre retirement system, which was formed in the early 1980s, was applied with varying degrees and categories, and was fully applied until mid-1990. As a result, periodic and regular generation changes of cadres, including top leaders, were institutionalized. However, retired cadres in China have a certain political role after retirement because they are guaranteed not only economic treatment but also certain political treatment. In addition, the personal authority of revolutionary retired cadres formed a dual-power regime in which they had strong political influence even after retirement. As the revolutionary cadres disappeared, the source of authority was transformed into institutions and the influence of the retired cadres was weakening. And it was an important condition to concentrate power on individual at Xijinping era. It refers to the possibility that retirement cadres in China had played a role of balancing power by complementing the absence of democracy from below. 본고는 중국의 간부 퇴직제도의 형성과 적용과 특징 및 그 의의를 밝히는 것을 목적으로 한다. 중국의 간부 퇴직제도는 개혁 이후 종신제를 대체하여 형성되었으며, 첫 번째 적용 대상이 혁명 원로 간부들이었다. 중국의 간부 퇴직제도는 임직 연령제한과 직무 임기 제한 및 비공식적 연령규정으로 구성된다. 1980년대 초에 형성된 간부 퇴직제도는 직급과 부문별로 편차를 가지면서 적용되었으며, 1990년 중반까지는 전면적으로 적용되었다. 그에 따라 최고지도자를 포함하는 간부들의 주기적이고 정례적인 세대교체가 제도화되었다. 그런데 중국의 퇴직간부들은 경제적 대우뿐만 아니라 일정한 정치적 대우를 보장받기 때문에 퇴직 이후에도 일정한 정치적 역할을 수행한다. 뿐만 아니라 혁명 퇴직 원로들의 개인적 권위는 그들이 퇴직 이후에도 강한 정치적 영향력을 갖는 이중권력체제를 형성했다. 혁명원로들이 사라짐에 따라 권위의 원천이 제도로 전환되고 원로들의 영향력이 약화되고 있다. 그리고 그것이 시진핑 시기 개인에 대한 권력집중의 중요한 조건이었다. 이는 중국의 퇴직 원로들이 아래로부터의 민주의 부재를 보완하여 권력을 견제하는 역할을 수행하였을 개연성을 의미한다.

화궈펑(華國鋒) 체제의 승계와 실각을 통해 본 김정은 체제의 딜레마

안치영 성균관대학교 동아시아지역연구소 2012 동아시아 브리프 Vol.7 No.2

중국공산당 지도부에서 ‘핵심’의 의미와 시진핑(習近平)의 정치적 지위

안치영 중앙대학교 중앙사학연구소 2016 중앙사론 Vol.0 No.44

The ‘leadership core’ status in the Chinese leadership was raised by Deng Xiaoping in 1989. China has transformed its leadership system into a collective leadership system as a result of its reflection on the Cultural Revolution after the reform, but it has raised the 'leadership core' as the center of authority to supplement the limits of the decentralized collective leadership system in the process of succession to a new generation. Therefore, the ‘leadership core’ is stronger than the "primus inter pares" of the collective leadership system, but is restricted by the collective leadership system itself. The collective leadership system and the "leadership core" is an institutional mechanism designed for the dual purpose of prevention of power monopoly by individuals and efficient exercise of power. In this regard, the main direction of China's political system reform after the reform was to form a stable succession system in which periodic personnel changes are made. To this end, the CCP created formal and informal institutions and practices such as the term limit and the age rule, and formed the promotion system and succession system of cadre including top leadership. The succession after Jiang was made by such a system, and the granting of ‘leadership core’ status to Xi Jinping was the result of such institutional mechanism. For that reason, the political status of Xi Jinping is limited by such institutional mechanisms.

중국의 전략적 관점에서 본 북미정상회담

안치영 경남대학교 극동문제연구소 2018 한반도 포커스 Vol.43 No.0

모호한 전환점: 중국공산당의 11기 3중전회에 대한 재고

안치영 서울대학교 국제학연구소 2008 국제지역연구 Vol.17 No.4

The Third Plenum of the 11th CC CCP is considered as the historical turning point which marks the decisive break with the past and the beginning of China's reform era. Many historical problems left by the Cultural Revolution were resolved at the Third Plenum, which resulted in the reconstruction of the political powers and the transformation of the policy. But regardless of the weakening of the authorities and power bases, the status of the Hua Guofeng as the top leader was not changed. And the becoming new regime was not so reformist because it was reshaped by the coalition of the reformers and the rehabilitated conservative old cadres who had been purged during the CR. Though there was the breakthrough at the resolving of the CR problems and 'the thought liberation' at the Third Plenum, the reform and open door policy was not a rupture but a continuum of Hua Guofeng's policy. So the transformation at the Third Plenum was not so clear cut but incomplete and ambiguous. 중국공산당의 11기 3중전회는 개혁체제가 형성되고 개혁개방을 결정했다는 점에서 역사적 전환점으로 이해된다. 그러나 11기 3중전회는 개혁 문제를 결정한 것이 아니라 문혁문제를 해결했으며 그 과정에서 권력구조의 재편과 정책적 전환이 있었다. 그런데 11기 3중전회에서 화궈펑은 권위의 약화에도 불구하고 여전히 건재하였으며, 권력구조의 재편도 문혁시기 숙청된 노간부들의 복권을 통하여 그렇게 개혁적이지 않은 보수파와 개혁파의 연합 체제를 형성하였다. 또한 문혁문제의 해결과 사상해방이라는 중요한 정치적 전환이 이루어졌지만 개혁개방은 화궈펑의 정책과 단절을 통해서가 아니라 연속선상에서 결정되었다. 그런 점에서 11기 3중전회의 전환은 그렇게 자명한 것이 아니라 불완전하고 모호한 것이었다.

중공의 1981년 "건국 이래 역사 결의"와 그 정치적 의의

安致潁 동북아시아문화학회 2005 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.8

중국의 승계 문제와 후계자 육성 체계

안치영 성균관대학교 성균중국연구소 2022 성균차이나브리프 Vol.10 No.4

The effect of metal bipolar-plate in polymer electrolyte membrane fuel cells

안치영,김민정,조용훈,성영은 한국공업화학회 2015 한국공업화학회 연구논문 초록집 Vol.2015 No.0

Fuel cells are most promising energy devices due to its relatively high fuel efficiency and almost zero emission products. Bipolar-plate in polymer electrolyte membrane fuel cells (PEMFCs) is one of the interesting research area because it is essential components to reduce weight of fuel cell stack. For fabricating a low cost and lightweight PEMFC, the conventional graphite-based bipolar plate must be replaced to metalbased materials. However, many metals show very weak stability in the fuel cell operating condition. In this study, the performances applying metal bipolar-plate with flow fields were compared and the factors affecting fuel cell performance were scrutinized.

중국의 개혁초기 정치논쟁과 사회주의 발전단계론 논쟁

안치영 중앙대학교 중앙사학연구소 2013 중앙사론 Vol.0 No.37

There has been a lot of political controversies about the reform agenda in Chinese early reform years. This article focus on the controversy over the stages of the socialist development theory which is one of the most important but little known. This article investigate the two backgrounds of the controversy. One is the controversies over the stages of the socialism after the establishment of the PRC especially with the formulation of the general line for the transition to socialism in 1953. The other is the theory controversies around the early reform year over the reform agenda. This article investigate the processes of the controversy over the stages of the socialist development theory. The controversy was started by the article "On the Problem of the Social Development Stages after the Proletariat Revolution," which was co-written by Su Shaozi and Feng Ranrui. After the publication of the article Hu Qiaomu-the chinese theorist-Czar and Deng liqun-the conservative ideologue criticised that the article refused that the PRC was the socialist state. But the criticism was prevented by the CCP Central Committee Propaganda Department, because it concluded that Su Shaozi and Feng Ranrui did not assert that the PRC was not socialist country. But until the deepening of the reform in 1984 and the settlement of the theory of the primary stage of the socialism, Hu Qiaomu repeated his critics intermittently. Although there had repeated the anti-Liberalization Campaign, Hu Qiamu's critics on the stages of the socialist development theory did not diffused. That reflected the characteristics of the Chinese reform. On the aspect that the political changes did not correspond to the economic changes, the Chinese reform was the economic reform without the political reform. But it means what was the need for economic reform was accepted notwithstanding not corresponding to the political reform. The stages of the socialist development theory was needed for the economic reform although it had some contradiction to the socialist theory.