헌법(기본법)을 통해 본 오만(Oman)의 국가정체성

안정국(Ahn, Jung-Kook),정상률(Jung, Sang-Ryul) 명지대학교 중동문제연구소 2012 중동문제연구 Vol.11 No.1

Generally speaking, the national basic law or the constitution manifests political, economic, social and cultural identities of a nation-state and is put on a higher plane than any law in the legal system. Thus, an analysis of it is the first step towards understanding political, economic, social and cultural identities, as well as other aspects of people's lives in a nation-state. Religious and secular identities are both in harmony and intension with each other in the basic law of government (or the constitution) of the nation-states in the Middle Eastern Arab-Islamic region. In order to fathom national identities in the national basic law (or the constitution) in the region, this paper attempts to analyze the national basic law of the Sultanate Oman. In so doing, it endeavors to understand how its unique religious characteristics are reflected in Oman’s Basic Law, and how they regulate the people of the Oman.

레바논 무슬림의 일부다처 현상에 관한 연구

안정국(Ahn Jung-Kook) 한국중동학회 2007 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.27 No.2

  This study was done mainly through survey research. Nevertheless, It was impossible to obtain any kind of list of polygamous people and their addresses. On this account, a probability sampling couldn"t be applied. Instead of it, the researcher used Snowball sampling. He acquired personal information of study samples from Mukht?rs of each local communities, then visited the samples to their own houses.<BR>  Permission of plural marriage in Islam is based on a Quranic verse; "If you fear that you shall not be able to deal justly with the orphans, marry women of your choice, two or three or four; but if you fear that you shall not be able to deal justly with them, then only one"(4: 3).<BR>  In fact, the whole question of permissibility of plural marriages in Islam is tied to a given man"s ability to deal justly with all his wives in terms of his time and wealth. To ensure that fairness and justice, the husband must have sufficient economic means to provide adequate food, clothing and other necessities of life to each of them; each of the wives must be provided with a separate house of her own.<BR>  The survey has found that 0.8% of men who ever married have more than two wives. But if we restrict it within Muslims, it rises to 1.2%.<BR>  And the survey shows that the husbands have been married to the second wife and the third because "the Islamic law permitted it"(72.3%), simply "wanted more than a wife"(26.7%), "strong sexual ability", "sufficient economic ability", "feud between husband and wife".<BR>  Polygyny, as a social security system in the Islamic ideal can hardly be found in the realities of life.

이주 무슬림 2세-코슬림의 생활세계와 종교적 정체성-인도네시아 이주 무슬림 2세를 중심으로-

안정국 ( Jung Kook Ahn ) 한국이슬람학회 2010 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.20 No.3

This study examines daily life or life-world of Indonesian Muslim women-Korean men offsprings and their religious identity mainly through Semi-structured interviews. The researcher organized a set of predetermined open-ended questions before going into the field. He interviewed in depth 10 Indonesian Muslim women-Korean men families. One of the consequences of globalization is the rise of intermarriage. It is often assumed that intermarriage for ethnic minorities is the ultimate litmus test of integration. But intermarriage is sometimes regarded as the final stage of assimilation among immigrant racial and ethnic minorities especially in the second stage of their life-their children. Assimilation refers to the myriad social processes that bring ethnic minorities into the mainstream of economic, political, and family life of Korean Society. And the Indonesian Muslim women and their children`s acculturation types were described to be mostly assimilation.

사우디아라비아 왕실충성위원회법과 왕위계승자 선출에 관한 연구

안정국 ( Jung Kook Ahn ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2013 중동연구 Vol.32 No.2

Recently, studies related to the succession to the throne in Saudi Arabia have also been made in Korea, but only at the minimum level. And even these studies do not cover in detail the Allegiance Commission itself. In this study, the analysis will be focused mainly on the untouched study of the Allegiance Commission itself and the specific characteristics of the Allegiance Commission Statute rather than the usual study of the internal power struggle or the possibility of changes in the process of succession to the throne among Saudi royal families. This will help to deepen one`s understanding of the content and outcome of previous studies and analyze the future disorder that is likely to occur in the process of succession to the throne in Saudi Arabia. The Allegiance Commission Statute is the core of the Saudi Arabian monarchy. This is because the decision for the royal succession is defined by this law. Article 5, Section 3 of Saudi Arabia`s basic law of governance prohibits the dogmatic selection of the Crown Prince by defining the process of selecting the Crown Prince according to the Allegiance Commission Statute. As Sultan Bin Abdul Aziz Al Saud, appointed as Crown Prince in 2005, died in 6 years in 2011, his brother Naif took over as Crown Prince and again he himself passed away in just 8 months. Since the aging of the future crown prince candidates has exceeded its limits, ie., Salman Bin Abdul Aziz being selected as the new Crown Prince, the decision for the Saudi royal family seems to have finished preparing transfer over to the next generation. However, the instability out of the process and the ongoing democratic awakening throughout the region are threatening even the fate of the pro-American Saudi Arabian kingdom.

무트아 혼인의 종교사회적 배경에 관한 연구

안정국 ( Jung Kook Ahn ) 한국아랍어아랍문학회 2007 아랍어와 아랍문학 Vol.11 No.1

This paper aims to study of the Socio-religious background of mut`a, or temporary marriage in the Islamic society, especially among the Shi`ites`. In books on jurisprudence the terms mut`a, al-nikah al-munqati` (discontinued marriage), and al-nikah al-mu`aqqat (temporary marriage) are all employed. The Sunni authorities agree that mut`a was permitted by the Prophet Muhammad at certain points during his lifetime, but they maintain that in the end he prohibited it completely. In contrast the Shi`ites maintain that the Prophet did not ban it, and they cite numerous Hadith from Sunni as well as Shi`ite sources to prove this. One major purpose of the paper is to trace the origin of this divergence between Sunni and Shi`ite law by going back to the sources and arguments on both sides. Proponents say that it offers women-especially those divorced or widowed-a way to obtain a temporary husband and support when they are unable to find a permanent marriage. Opponents say the practice is frequently used to legitimize prostitution or extramarital relations and is a danger to family values. They also say the practice undermines women`s dignity.

걸프지역의 종파갈등에 관한 연구

안정국(Ahn, Jung-Kook) 명지대학교 중동문제연구소 2014 중동문제연구 Vol.13 No.3

In this study, the social and political issues that are triggered by the historical provenance of a sectarian policy discovered in the Islamic countries of the Gulf region, and the historical origin of anti‐Shia policies, are examined in the case of Bahrain. Through this examination, a better understanding of the current sectarian conflict inside Bahrain and other Islamic cultural area can be collected. Bahrain’s sectarian strife was eventually and extensively exposed in 2011 as the ‘Arab spring’, and was followed by a political deadlock which raised sectarian tension between Sunnis and Shi’is, not only in this small island kingdom, but also in the rest of the Islamic countries, including the GCC countries in the Gulf area. In GCC countries in general, Shi’i Muslims are minorities in both population and politics. But in case of Bahrain, 96% of their whole population is Muslims, their state religion is Islam, 30% of their population is Sunnis, and the rest is Shi’is. Even though Bahrain’s population mostly consists of Shi’i Muslims, it is ruled by a Sunni dynasty. The Shi’is have no political position in the administration agency, and seems to be isolated from economy rights. For example, as Shi’i Muslims were seen as a threat to the Bahrain ruling dynasty due to their constant uprisings and Iran’s Islamic revolution, the sectarian strife between the Sunnis and Shi’is affected Bahrain’s character of security agencies: the recruiting was done with sectarian discrimination, and mercenaries within the four core security agencies prevented the Shi’is from taking action. The four core security agencies — Bahrain Defense Force, National Guard, police forces which are branches of the Ministry of Interior, and the National Security Agency — have the responsibility of protecting the elite Sunni rulers, and have been reinforced directly after the Shi’i citizen uprising in 2011. Sectarian strife is not a result from a simple segregation of one group, but an inevitable outcome of the strategic ruling of authorities. Sectarian political choices are connected to economic interests, and have massively provoked sectarian conflicts. It is, however, hard to conclude that the sectarian strife is the only reason for Bahrain’s political conflict. The constant sectarian tension of the two denominations of Islam in Bahrain is threatening to spread sectarianism to Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, and also causing frictions among GCC nations, Iraq, and Iran.

이슬람과 성적 소수자

안정국 ( Jung Kook Ahn ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2013 중동연구 Vol.31 No.3

한국 이주 동남아시아 무슬림의 현황과 사회적 연결망

안정국(Ahn Jung-Kook) 한국중동학회 2008 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.29 No.1

  This study was done mainly through survey research. Nevertheless, It was impossible to obtain any kind of list of Muslim immigrants from Southeast Asia and their addresses. On this account, a probability sampling couldn"t be applied. Instead of it, the researcher used Judgemental sampling and Snowball sampling. He acquired personal information of study samples from mosques and small prayer places(musalla) in Seoul, Busan and Ansan mainly.<BR>  This study analyzes the present condition and social network of the Southeast Asian Muslim Immigrants, especially, Indonesian and Malaysian Muslim immigrants in Korean society.<BR>  Through the study, the researcher found differences of two immigrant groups, for instance, type of visa, purpose of entrance and educational background. They could be classified into Indonesian labour group and Malaysian student group. Most of them have regular religious gatherings in mosques and musallas. Especially, Indonesian muslim group began to establish their own organizations combining spontaneous small local groups.

국내 이주 무슬림의 현황과 문화적 갈등

안정국 ( Jung Kook Ahn ) 한국이슬람학회 2012 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.22 No.1

This study examines Current Situation of the Muslim immigrant in Korean society and Their Cultural Conflict caused by religious identity mainly through Semi-structured interviews. The researcher organized a set of predetermined open-ended questions before going into the field. He interviewed in depth 14 Muslim immigrant-Korean spouse families, and several foreign muslim individuals living in Korea. Since the globalization, many changes are occurring in our society. Multicultural phenonmenon in the society is becoming one of our major concern in the Korean society. The number of foreigners in our society has recently increased, while the rising number of interracial marriages of foreigners and Koreans has led to a growing interest in multicultural families. Illumination of this situation by various mass media outlets and local government activities has resulted in greater understanding of multicultural families. Present Korean culture does not easily accommodate the different religious and cultural practices of immigrants. The Islamic influence that permeates the lives of a large proportion of immigrants belonging to Muslim groups in Korea is especially distinctive. One of the consequences of globalization is the rise of intermarriage. It is often assumed that intermarriage for ethnic minorities is the ultimate litmus test of integration. Assimilation refers to the myriad social processes that bring ethnic minorities into the mainstream of economic, political, and family life of Korean Society. Especially the Indonesian Muslim women and their children`s acculturation types were described to be mostly assimilation. The research could be significant in that it has yielded some insight into the ways in which Muslims adjust to Korean culture, thus providing a basis for evaluating the future prospects of this group, and understanding the ways in which their activities affect Korean society.

한국 이주 인도네시아 여성 무슬림의 혼인과 정착

안정국(Ahn, Jung-Kook) 한국중동학회 2009 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.30 No.1

The increasing pace of globalization has significantly affected our lives in many profound ways. One of the consequences of globalization is the rise of intermarriage, i.e., the marriage between couples of different nationalities or different social, economic, religious, or racial backgrounds. It is often assumed that intermarriage for ethnic minorities is the ultimate litmus test of integration. But intermarriage is sometimes regarded as the final stage of assimilation among immigrant racial and ethnic minorities. This study examines Indonesian muslim women-Korean men intermarriage mainly through Semi-structured interviews, a kind of qualitative research interview methods. The researcher organized a set of predetermined open-ended questions before going into the field. He interviewed in depth 8 Indonesian muslim women who married with Korean men. It focuses on marital assimilation as an important aspect of immigrant adaptation and acculturation. Assimilation refers to the myriad social processes that bring ethnic minorities into the mainstream of economic, political, and family life of Korean Society. The Indonesian muslim women's acculturation types were described to be mostly integration and assimilation. Those who adopt freely both types depending on the situation appeared higher adjustment in the society than others.