한말 일제 전반기 여성 의학교육의 계보와 특징: 로제타 홀(1865-1951)의 의학교육을 중심으로

신규환 연세대학교 의학사연구소 2023 연세의사학 Vol.26 No.2

Rosetta Sherwood Hall’s (1865-1951) achievements in the history of Korean women’s medical education can be evaluated in several stages. First, during the preparation period (the period of Bo-gu-nyeo-gwan in the 1890s–1900s), Rosetta Hall traveled between Seoul and Pyengyang, so it was virtually impossible to develop women doctors through women’s medical education. Therefore, she set the realistic goal of developing medical assistants, as it was impossible to develop women doctors in Korea. Second, during the 1910s, Mary Cutler’s (1865-1948) introduction to Pyengyang’s Gwang-hye-nye-won (광혜녀원: Woman’s Hospital of Extended Grace) allowed Rosetta Hall to launch a new chapter for women’s medical education in colonial Korea. Previously, the goal of medical education was to develop medical assistants, but from this period, a plan to develop women doctors was sought through medical examinations. The Woman’s Medical Class at Gwang-hye-nye-won reflects this endeavor. However, it remained impossible to produce women doctors at this time. Third, during the transition period (1914-1926), with the help of Director Fujita Tsuguakira (藤田嗣章: 1854–1941), the Auditoring Student System of the Medical Training Institute affiliated with the Governor-General of Korea was launched. As a result, the first licensed women doctors in Korea, such as Ahn Soo-kyung, Kim Young-heung, and Kim Hae-ji, were brought into being. However, women’s medical education during the interim period was not sustainable, and the production of women doctors inevitably came to a halt. Fourth, during the turning point (since 1928), Rosetta Hall sought to normalize women’s medical education through the establishment of a woman’s medical college. The establishment of the Joseon Woman’s Medical Training Institute (JWMTI) was the starting point. While Rosetta Hall was in Korea, the JWMTI did not produce any significant results, such as graduates or the promotion of medical colleges. The tasks left by Rosetta Hall were inherited by Korean doctors such as Kim Tak-won (1898-1939) and Gil Jeong-hee (1899-1990), and they completed the unfinished work left by Rosetta Hall through the establishment of Gyeongseong Woman's Medical Training Institute (GWMTI) in 1933 and Gyeongseong Woman's Medical College (GWMC) in 1938. Rosetta Hall played a historically significant role in that she established the JWMTI in preparation for the establishment of a woman’s medical college, the highest level of training in the medical education system under Japanese rule, and the JWMTI was a turning point for the establishment of a woman's medical college.

한국 종두법의 발전과 의학 기술의 문제: 인두법에서 우두법으로 전환과 의학 지식과 기술의 간극

신규환 의료역사연구회 2022 의료사회사연구 Vol.10 No.1

한국에서 인두법과 우두법은 우열론과 이분법적 시각에서 이해되어 왔으나, 최근에는 인두법의 근대성과 역사적 역할이 재조명되고 있다. 또한 그 과정에서 인두법과 우두법 모두를 소개했던 정약용의 역할 역시 주목받고 있다. 그러나 한국에서 인두법과 우두법이 확산될 수 있는 의학적 기반은 매우 취약했다. 여기에는 서학에 대한 정치적 탄압, 의학 지식 네트워크의 결여, 관민의 지원 부족, 두묘 확보와 접종 기술 등 여러 가지요인이 복합적으로 작용했다. 이 글은 그 중에서도 두묘의 채취 및 보관, 접종 기술 등 그동안 종두법 연구에서 간과되어 온 원천기술의 중요성에 관심을 두었다. 두묘 없이 종두는 불가능하다. 인두법은 두창 환자에게서 두묘를 채취하는 것이기 때문에, 인두묘의 확보에 어려움이 없었다. 그러나 인두묘의 경우에는 시묘와 숙묘사이에 안정성의 문제와 기술적 난이도가 존재하였다. 우두법 역시 우두묘 확보가 관건이었는데, 19세기 전반까지 한국에서 우두묘를 확보할 수 있는 방안이 없었다. 자체 생산도 불가능했고, 해외에서 들여온 우두묘는 쉽게 부패해서 효과가 없었다. 두묘가 확보되지 않는 한, 아무리 우수한 종두법이 있다 해도 쓸모가 없었다. 인두법과 우두법은 이론적으로나 기술적으로 발전적인계승 관계에 있었다. 그러나 정확히 말하자면 우두법에 사용된 인두법은 중국식 인두법이 아니라 서양식 인두법이었다. 중국식 인두법은 두가를 콧 속에 불어넣는 방식이었던 것에 비해, 서양식 인두법은 팔뚝 피부를 절개하고 절개된 부위에 우두묘를 접종하는 방식이었다. 따라서 한국 사회에서 인두법에서 우두법으로 전환되기 위해서는 왜 우두묘를 접종해야 하는지와 왜 팔뚝의 피부를 절개해야 하는지 설명이 필요했고, 더 나아가 두묘의 확보와 접종 기술의 전수라는 의학 기술적 장벽도 넘어서야 했다.

논문 : 조산사(助産士)의 제도화와 근대적 생육관리 - 1930년대 북평시정부의 위생행정과 출생통제 -

신규환 중국사학회 2006 中國史硏究 Vol.42 No.-

서평 : 미시사로 읽는 조선 사인의 의약생활

신규환 서울대학교 인문학연구원 2015 人文論叢 Vol.72 No.1

영문학자 황훈성 교수의 『서양문학에 나타난 죽음』은 플라톤의 『파이돈』으로부터 20세기 말까지의 서양문학에 나타나는 죽음의 다양한 면모 를 추적하였다. 지성사의 시작부터 끝에 달하는 장구한 세월의 모든 주 요한 생각들을 다룰 수는 없으나, 대체로 영혼과 육체의 관계, 내세의 모 습, 구원과 은총의 의미, 죽음의 공포 및 상기가 주요 관심분야이다. 영 혼과 육체의 관계는 플라톤, 에피쿠로스, 에픽테토스, 루크레티우스 등 고대 사유에 의존하였다. 구원과 은총 및 죽음의 공포는 단테, 플래너리 오코너, 사무엘 베케트, 크리스티나 로제티, 셰익스피어, 톨스토이의 저 작들에서 흥미로운 양상을 추출하였다. 마지막으로 죽음의 상기를 이해 하기 위해 홀바인 2세, 콤브, 그리고 코키스가 공유하는 ‘죽음의 무도’ 모티프를 각각 분석하였다. 죽음은 중세 이래 낫이나 모래시계로 상징되기도 하고, 육체의 감옥에 서 벗어나는 영혼의 여행, 고치에서 벗어나 얇은 껍질에서 나비로 태어남, 얼마 동안의 잠 이후에 본향에서의 영원한 안식 등의 이미지로 나타나기도 한다. 이러한 ‘죽음의 얼굴,’ ‘죽음의 메타포’의 풍부한 예들을 본 저서에서 만날 수 있다. 저자가 채택한 작품들은 보기에 따라서 좀 혼란 스러울 수 있지만, 이들은 저자의 재기발랄한 선정기준을 반영하고 있으 며, 그런 만큼 제각기 독특한 죽음의 양상을 드러내고 있다. 아래에서 본 저서의 내용을 간간히 소개하면서, 저자의 해설 및 본 저서의 의의에 관 하여 몇 가지 큰 주제로 나눠 토론해 본다.

식민지 지식인의 초상 : 김창세와 상하이 코스모폴리탄의 길

신규환 문화사학회 2012 역사와 문화 Vol.23 No.-

Kim Chang-sei (1893-1934) graduated from Severance Union Medical College in 1916, and he was the first Korean to become a Doctor in Public Health(DrPH) at Johns Hopkins University in 1925. Dr. Kim opened the discourse on national hygiene and national physical rebuilding, and was also interested in the health care system. However, as a fighter for national independence, he would not collaborate with the colonial government to improve the Joseon people’s health condition. He wanted to become a health director of an autonomous government, but the discourse of autonomy was abolished. Dr. Kim’s journey to Beijing in 1926 offered him an important opportunity to determine what his activity in public health would be in the future. He met John B. Grant (1890-1962) who had taken the lead in public health in China. Dr. Kim wanted to secure his independent health program with financial support from the Rockefeller Foundation. He planned hygiene- laboratory-managed health activity to improve the Joseon people’s health condition. Perhaps he needed to prepare a similar plan to John Grant's the First Health Station because John Grant had interviewed him when Dr. Kim asked for financial support. However, the Rockefeller Foundation did not want to support financial backing for individuals such as Dr. Kim and private institutions such as Severance Union Medical College in colonial Korea. As the plan of implementing hygiene laboratories was frustrated in colonial Korea, Dr. Kim looked for cosmopolitan space to secure political liberty and to enable hygiene experiment. Ultimately, he resigned his professorship of Severance Union Medical College in August 1927, and headed for Shanghai in November 1927. The National Revolutionary Army tried to unite China in the Northern Expedition. They aimed at anti-imperialism and anti-warlordism and occupied Shanghai on May 1927. As a field director of the Department of Community Health in 1927, he was responsible for publicity and health education with the Council on Health Education in China. Concentrating on publicity and health education, he broadcast his concerns about government and civilian activities. According to his article in The China Medical Journal in 1928, in which he analyzed bleak condition of public health in Shanghai, he had a solution that would improve this problem. At first, he noted the differences in health administration among the International Settlement, French Concession, and Chinese residences. He argued that if concession authorities, the Chinese government, and voluntary health institutions progressed toward international cooperation, and collaborated with the Nanjing government, they would contribute to international peace. Dr. Kim could not be satisfied with civilian activities, and he tried to participate in the health administration of the Chinese government or the concession authorities. In doing so, he thought to complete his hygiene experiment. Finally, he got his job in the department of health in French municipal concession. As a Shanghai cosmopolitan, he foresaw that the health care system in Shanghai could improve the health condition of residents, while cooperating with concession authorities, the Chinese government, and voluntary health institutions. But he resigned the short-lived position in the concession authorities and voluntary health institutions. He headed for New York to search for new activities, and finally he shot himself to death.

타이완 의약사 답사기

신규환 연세대학교 의과대학 의사학과 의학사연구소 2013 연세의사학 Vol.16 No.2

Unexpected Success: The Spread of Manchurian Plague and the Response of Japanese Colonial Rule in Korea, 1910-1911

신규환 한국학중앙연구원 한국학중앙연구원 2009 Korea Journal Vol.49 No.2

This paper aims to examine the spread of Manchurian plague and the response of the Japanese colonial government. Previous studies of this issue stressed the successful, albeit forced, preventative measures taken by the Japanese colonial government. However, this paper argues that Western powers did not agree with the new theory that pneumonic plague was transmitted through respiratory infections, as discovered by Wu Liande and promoted by Kitasato Shibasaburo. They continued to believe the old Japanese theory that the plague was transmitted through fleas from rodents. The Japanese colonial government focused on reducing the rat population to prevent the spread of plague. Moreover, they had no quarantine hospitals or other equipment, and epidemic prevention programs and measures were inadequate. The success of their efforts was due less to the measures taken by the Japanese colonial government than from the low influx of Chinese laborers into Korea. This paper aims to examine the spread of Manchurian plague and the response of the Japanese colonial government. Previous studies of this issue stressed the successful, albeit forced, preventative measures taken by the Japanese colonial government. However, this paper argues that Western powers did not agree with the new theory that pneumonic plague was transmitted through respiratory infections, as discovered by Wu Liande and promoted by Kitasato Shibasaburo. They continued to believe the old Japanese theory that the plague was transmitted through fleas from rodents. The Japanese colonial government focused on reducing the rat population to prevent the spread of plague. Moreover, they had no quarantine hospitals or other equipment, and epidemic prevention programs and measures were inadequate. The success of their efforts was due less to the measures taken by the Japanese colonial government than from the low influx of Chinese laborers into Korea.

19세기 말-20세기 전반 동아시아 신경병 담론의 구조와 특징: 제국과 식민지의 교차

신규환 연세대학교 의학사연구소 2021 연세의사학 Vol.24 No.2

Since the mid-19th century, neurosis has been regarded as a colonial disease unrelated to the inferior colonists as a product of civilization, urbanization, and modernization. In the process of imperialist expansion, tropical medicine was part of the colonialism, and tropical medicine became an essential knowledge for colonization. In particular, in colonial Taiwan, the Japanese accepted tropical neurasthenia as a sign of ethnic degradation, and climate determinism worked as an efficient theory to hierarchize empires and colonies. Even a neurasthenia became a criterion for hierarchizing into native Japanese, colonial Japanese, and the colonized. On the other hand, in Korea, a climate zone similar to that of Japan, although climate determinism did not have much effect, Japanese doctors judged that the hierarchy of the colonizer and the colonized could be determined by neurosis in colonial Korea. The question of how to resolve the prevalence of tropical neurasthenia caused by tropical climates in colonial Taiwan and how to secure the legitimacy of colonization was a task left to Japanese medical professionals in Taiwan. Shuzo Naka(1900-1988), a representative psychiatrist in Taiwan’s colonial medicine in the 1930s and 1940s, paid attention to Shoma Morita(1874-1938)’s theory of shinkeishitsu (a nervous-prone personality with a hypochondriacal base) as a way to solve the problem of tropical acclimation and maintain the national spirit. Morita’s theory of shinkeishitsu further strengthened the hierarchy of Japanese colonizer and the colonized as a way to restore the collective spirit and identity of the Japanese. As such, from the end of the 19th century to the first half of the 20th century, the discourse of neurosis in East Asia was a combination of various narratives to secure the legitimacy of colonial rule from the perspective of imperialist racism and civilization. In particular, Japan sought to expand the basis of colonial medicine by attracting various neurosis discourses such as neurological theory and psychoanalysis to overcome the crisis theory of ethnic degradation that emerged in colonies.

미시사로 읽는 조선 사인의 의약생활

신규환 서울대학교 인문학연구원 2015 人文論叢 Vol.72 No.1

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상하이 대한민국 임시정부와 의사 독립운동: 의료활동 유적의 위치 고증

신규환 연세대학교 의학사연구소 2019 연세의사학 Vol.22 No.1

Most of the doctors who served in the Korean Provisional Government in Shanghai (hereafter “KPGS”) provided nursing education based on their expertise or worked as a practitioner. Particularly notable were the activities of Severance graduates in the KPGS who mainly engaged in opening hospitals in areas where Koreans were concentrated or near Avenue Joffre (Shafeilu霞飛 路), the main street in the French Concession. Perhaps opening a hospital on a busy street was advantageous for gathering information and carrying out fundraising for the independence movement. The radius of Kim Chang-se’s activities, which helped establish the Korean Red Cross and the Korean Red Cross Nursing School, was mainly a residential area in the French Concession. The activities were deeply related to Kim Chang-se running the Korean Red Cross and Korean Red Cross Nursing School, not far from his residence and place of work, as he was serving as a member of the Chinese Red Cross General Hospital prior to the establishment of the KPGS. Na Chang-heon was relatively distant from the city, but he was close to the KPGS. In the 1920s, the medical environment was changing quickly with the rapid development of Western medicine in East Asian countries and the development of X-rays and experimental medicine. Various medical facilities, including general hospitals and individual clinics, were needed to meet the diverse needs of Korean patients. But there were no large general hospitals run independently by South Koreans, so at general hospitals such as the Chinese Red Cross General Hospital, Kim Chang-se and others would have met the demand. It is difficult to estimate the size of Jeong Young-jun’s Goryeo Hospital, Cynn Hyun-chang’s Haechun Hospital, and Na Chang-heon’s Sewung Hospital because all of them have disappeared, and high-rise buildings are now located on the sites where they had been. On the other hand, we can estimate the size of Ju hyeon-cheuk and Cynn Hyun-chang’s Samil Hospital and Kim Chang-se’s Xihu Tuberculosis Clinic and the individual clinics of the time, as the old buildings and lakes remain intact. Usually, the hospitals were not allowed to hospitalize patients or perform operations, and only simple treatments and procedures were available in a small office space of around 7 to 10㎡. Under poor medical conditions, medical independence activists also had to meet the Korean people’s demands for sanitation and health care. However, it was not easy for the independence activists, who had to engage in both the independence movement and the opening of their businesses in foreign lands, to seek a larger hospital or get a job at a large general hospital. The best they could do to support the independent movement was to open hospitals on the main street of the French Concession.