한국 사료에 나타난 고구려사 인식

徐永大(Suh, Young-Dae) 백산학회 2003 白山學報 Vol.- No.67

In recent times, Chinese historians insist that history of Kokuryo is included in Chinese history. So at this time it is need to reexamine opinions of Chinese historians. This paper is to aimed at to examine views on the history of Kokuryo represented in Korean historical materials. At first I tried to find the self cognitions of Kokuryo peoples. So I suggest that peoples of Kokuryo regarded ed himselves as sacred state or center of the world. After the unification of three kingdoms, Silla regarded Kokuryo as a part of their country. But there was the other views, which regared Kokuryo as ancestor of Palhae. So it can concluded that views of Kokuryo was confused. In Koryo dynasty, it is certain that history of Kokuryo is a very important part of Korean history. But there was also confusion, where Kokuryo was build. In Chosun dynasty, there were conflict which had the legitimacy of history among three kingdoms. But views that Kokuryo is a very important part of Korean history were not suspect. So I can conclude that there were no evidence that conflict on the legitimacy of history among three kingdoms. But there was no evidence that invest history of chinese.

한국 무속사의 시대구분

서영대(Suh Young-Dae) 한국무속학회 2005 한국무속학 Vol.0 No.10

이 글은 한국 무속사의 체계적 이해와 서술을 위한 전제 작업으로 한국 무속사의 시대구분론을 시도해 본 것이다. 이를 위해 먼저 시대구분의 기준으로 정치적 기능ㆍ사회적 기능ㆍ개인적 기능을 제시했고, 어떤 기능들이 발휘되느냐를 가지고 시대구분을 시도했다. 그 결과 세 가지 기능이 모두 발휘되던 원시~삼국시대를 고대로 묶었고, 사회적 기능을 상실하고 두 가지 기능만 발휘되던 통일신라~조선 전기까지를 중세로 설정했고, 두 가지를 상실하고 개인적 기능만 남은 조선 후기 이후를 근세로 설정했다. 시대구분론은 일종의 작업가설이므로, 한국 무속에 관한 개별적ㆍ구체적 사실들이 많이 밝혀지면, 이러한 시대구분론은 얼마든지 수정될 수 있다. Korean shamanism has long history from primitive to modern times. So it is necessary understanding Korean shamanism as much to reconstruct its long history as field studies of present situation. And reconstruction of Korean shamanism, it must go ahead periodization of its history. When we try to periodization of Korean shamanism, it become issue the standard of priodization. In the process of history, there are no great changes in contents of belief systems and rituals. So unfortunately contents of Korean shamanism do not become a standard of periodization. For this reason, I seek after another standard and find function of shamanism. I classified functions in three dimension; function to politics, function to society and function to individual. Function to politics means shamanism influence to political sphere such as justification of kingship etc. Function to society means shamanism assist social cohesion of society. At last function to individual means shamanism have an affect to controls of good or bad lucks, On these standards, I divided history of Korean shamanism to three peords. In ancient period, from primitive to 7th century, shamanism had 3 functions all and at this time king was shaman king. In middle age, from 7th century to 16th century, shamanism lost political function. But 2 function, social and individual, were kept. So shamanism had influenced social and individual life. In recent time, after 16th century, shamanism lost social function and store oly one function, individual function.

高句麗의 國家祭祀

徐永大(Suh Young-Dae) 한국사연구회 2003 한국사연구 Vol.120 No.-

This paper aimed to explain a state ritual of Kokuryeo kingdom, named Tong-maeng(東盟). This ritual is recorded in Chinese chronicle, titled Sam-Kuk-Ji(三國志). According to Sam-Kuk-Ji(三國志). the Tong-maeng is a kind of ritual to Sky god and held on October annually. It is a great meeting of Kokuryeo kingdom in which many peoples of Kokuryeo kingdom participated in. And ritual of Su-Shin(隧神). god of cave, was constitute a part of Tong-maeng. In this ritual, she was received from the cave and worshipped in a place near the river. The meaning of this state ritual is can be understand through founding myth of Kokuryeo kingdom. According to founding myth of Kokuryeo, founder of Kokuryeo is Ju-mong(朱蒙), who is son of river goddess Yu-wha(柳花). Yu-wha conceived him through the contact with sky god or sun god in a dimly-lit room. So it can be said that the founder of Kokuryeo is son of sky god or sun god and sacred being himself. Linking this founding myth to ritual of Su-Shin, a part of maeng, god of cave can be identified with Yu-wha, mother of the founder. Receiving from the cave and worshipped in a place near the river was represent the meeting of sky god and Yu-hwa. Therefore. ritual of Su-Shin is to celebrate the birth of founder of Kokuryeo. This interpretation cause a question. If it is so then, why Tong-maeng was prescribed as ritual to sky god? I think that there are two way to answer this question. One is that Tong-maeng was constituted by many part of ritual, and ritual of Su-shin is only a part of it. The other answer is that it is due to particularity of ideas of god in ancient Korea. To explain in details, sky god and ancestor god is not different category. So worship of ancestor can be called ritual to sky god. Lastly, it need to say the object of Tong-maeng ritual. A important part of Tong-maeng ritual is repetition of founding myth, which emphasized sacredness of founder. This repetition was held in presence of many peoples. So it is not only give deep impression to peoples the sacredness of kingship but also support the validity of kingship. I arrive at a conclusion that Tong-maeng was kingship ritual in Kokuryeo.

전통시대 한국의 蚩尤 인식

서영대(Suh, Young-Dae) 고조선단군학회 2016 고조선단군학 Vol.35 No.-

이 글은 한국 사료에 보이는 蚩尤 관념을 네 가지로 나누어 살펴본 것이다. 그것은 첫째, 치우가 중국의 황제에 대항하다 죽임을 당한 악인이란 관념이다. 둘째, 妖星의 하나인 치우기로 재앙의 예조라는 관념이다. 셋째, 군사 관련 국가제사의 하나인 禡祭의 제사 대상이란 관념이다. 넷째, 단오부에 등장하는 치우이다. 이 가운데 첫째와 둘째는 치우에 대한 부정적 인식이라 하겠으며, 세 번째는 긍정적 인식, 네 번째는 해석 여하에 따라 부정적 인식을 반영하는 것일 수도 있고 긍정적 인식을 반영하는 것일 수도 있다. 이러한 치우 인식의 근원은 기본적으로 중국 문헌이다. 그러나 한국의 독특한 면도 있다. 예컨대 마제에서 모시는 신이라든지, 단오부에서 재앙을 몰아내는 신이라 한 것이 그것이다. 그러나 한국의 독특한 치우 인식이 어디에서 어떻게 비롯되었는지에 대해서는 다음의 과제로 남겨두었다. This paper studied how Koreans understand Chi-u(Chi-yóu, 蚩尤) in pre-modern times. According to Korean historical materials, ⓐKorean regarded Chi-u as a evil man or a scoundrel who coped with Huáng-dì, a ancestor of Chinese peoples. ⓑ A comet which brought misfortunes and disasters to human society, so he regarded as a symbol of calamity. ⓒ A military and war god who worshipped on the Ma-Jae, a kind of state sacrifice before military actions. ⓓ Chi-u appeared on an amulet posted in fifth day of fifth lunar month(端午符). But there were many possibility to interpretate this amulet, it is not clear he is a good god or a evil god. In these ideas on Chi-u, there coexist positive one negative one. ⓐ and ⓑ were the former, ⓒ was the latter, ⓓ was either one. The most of ideas on Chi-u were based on Chinese historical materials, positive one or not. But Korean historical materials said some peculiar aspects of Chi-u, such as a god worshipped on military state sacrifice and a god who put out all sorts of misfortunes and disasters from the human society. If that is true, the next task of my study is where these peculiarity originated from. Unfortunately I can not but put off this study in the consequence of my ability’s insufficiency.

참성단(塹城壇)의 역사와 의의

徐永大(Suh Young-Dae) 고조선단군학회 2008 고조선단군학 Vol.19 No.-

There is a altar called Cham-Sung-Dan at the top of Mountain Ma-Ni-San(摩尼山) in Kwang-Hwa Island located in Yellow sea of Korea. This altar is known as a place of ritual to sky held by Tan-Gun, the founder king of Ancient Cho-Sun(古朝鮮) and a national ancestor of Koreans. So this paper is aimed at explain something about the altar Cham-Sung-Dan. At first, I explained to the literally meaning of Cham-Sung-Dan. So I interpreted meaning of Cham-Sung-Dan is a altar surrounded by the castle, Second, I presumed when the altar Cham-Sung-Dan was constructed. According to historical materials, this altar was constructed by Tan-Gun. If it is so, this altar was constructed before 5,000 years ago. But it is doubtful, because there is no evidence that Kang-Hwa Islander was territory of king Tan-Gun or not. The first record touch on altar Cham-Sung-Dan was appeared in 1264. So it is safe that the construction time of altar Cham-Sung-Dan was before 1264. Third, I investigated rituals performed at the altar Cham-Sung-Dan. Rituals of the altar Cham-Sung-Dan was state rituals, so these were performed by officials of the state. There were two kinds of ritual, one is periodical rituals held at spring and autumn(2 times per year), the other one is occasional rituals. And gods worshiped in these rituals were Taoist divinities, so that rituals of the altar Cham-Sung-Dan were Taoist rituals. The ritual of the altar Cham-Sung-Dan is continued until now because of its historical meanings. But the time and mode of ritual are different from traditional period: the ritual is held in 3th of october, mode of ritual is confucianistic etc. Fourth, I explained the form and structure of the altar Cham-Sung-Dan. I divided the altar to two parts, the forth yard part, and the altar part, and altar part have cosmological meanings. Lastly, I considered the significance of the altar Cham-Sung-Dan as such. the one is that this altar is a most important ruins related to Tan-Gun who is a symbol of national identity to Korean peoples. The other one is that this is a place of worship to sky god as Supreme Being. In traditional times of East Asia, it was prohibited to worship sky god except Emperor who received Heaven's Providence. So this altar is a symbol national pride until now.

中國 黑龍江省 群力 바위그림과 단군신화

서영대(Suh, Young-Dae) 고조선단군학회 2016 고조선단군학 Vol.34 No.-

이 글은 중국학자 李洪甫의 새로운 견해, 즉 중국 흑룡강성 海林市 柴河鎭에 위치한 군력 바위그림에 단군이 그려져 있다는 학설을 검토해 본 것이다. 검토는 크게 두 부분으로 나누어 진행하였는데, 첫째로는 문제의 군력 바위그림 자체에 대한 이해가 필요하다는 판단에서 군력 바위그림과 관련되는 기초적인 사항들을 살펴보았다. 즉 군력 바위그림의 위치를 설명하고, 발견 경위와 조사 과정을 살펴본 다음, 그림의 내용을 소개하였다. 그리고 이를 토대로 그림의 의미에 대한 기왕의 견해들을 살펴보고, 필자 나름대로의 해석도 제시해 보았다. 즉 군력 바위그림은 〈오른쪽 위〉에 있는 신령의 부부를 향한 의례의 여러 장면을 표현한 것이고, 의례의 과정을 그림으로 표현함으로서 인간의 소망이 항상 신령에게 전달될 수 있도록 하기 위한 것이라 했다. 또 제작 시기와 제작자 문제를 거론하여 신석기시대로 보는 설부터 당송시대로 보는 설에 이르기까지 다양한 견해들을 시대 순으로 정리해 보았다. 둘째로는 군력 바위그림에 대한 기초적 이해를 바탕으로 새로운 견해를 내놓은 李洪甫의 견해를 살펴보았다. 이를 위해 우선 李洪甫의 견해를 요약했는데, 그것은 두 부분으로 나누어 진행하였다. 즉 먼저 李洪甫의 견해의 바탕을 이루는 논문을 살핌으로서 단군에 대한 그의 인식의 대강을 파악했고, 다음으로 군력 바위그림에 단군이 그려져 있다는 주장의 논거들을 추려 보았다. 그래서 李洪甫의 주장에 문제가 있음을 크게 6 가지로 정리하여 보았다. 즉 ①크고 중요한 문제를 제기했음에도 불구하고, 논거 제시가 빈약한 점, ②군력 바위그림의 판독에 문제가 있는 점, ③단군이란 명칭을 단목 아래에 정좌하고 있는 군장이란 의미로 해석한 데 무리가 있다는 점, ④군력 바위그림이 있는 목단강 유역을 낙랑군 지역으로 보는 것은 문제가 있다는 점, ⑤군력 바위그림에 단군상이 있다고 하더라도 단군상과 다른 그림과의 관계를 유기적으로 파악하지 못하여, 그림의 전체적 의미를 드러내지 못한 점, ⑥군력 바위그림이 단군과 관련이 있다면, 단군신화와 시베리아와의 관련을 부정하는 자신의 설에 오히려 불리한 증거가 될 수 있다는 점 등이 그것이다. 그래서 李洪甫의 새로운 견해는 수긍하기 어렵다고 했고, 현재로서는 군력 바위그림과 단군을 연결시키는 것은 부정적이라고 결론을 맺었다. The aim of this paper is to examine the new theory of Li-Hong Fu, one of Chinese scholar, which insisted on one painting drawing on Qun-Li rock painting is portrayed Tangun, a founder of ancient Chosen. At first, I explained outlines of Qun-Li rock painting, for examples, the location of Qun-Li rock painting, process of discovery and investigation, contents of paintings, meanings of paintings, making time and painter. Most of my explanations are summary of existing achievements on Qun-Li rock painting, but I added one thing that a aim of this rock painting. As my opinion, man seated upper left are god and goddess like master of nature. And the aim of draw paintings where very difficult to access is for communication with these god and goddess ceaselessly and so accomplish their wishes, as success of hunting and fishing. Second, I summarize theories of Li-Hong Fu’s on identification of ichnography on Qun-Li rock painting. As his theory, drawing on upper left side of rock painting is Tangun, because not only his hat and mantle which he dressed represented he is king, but also his figure seated under the tree is significance of Tangun, which means king who seated under the sanders tree. All the more, he added another evidence, that the basin of Mudanjiang river valley(Qun-Li rock painting is located on this basin) was area of Tangun Chosen. But I think his theory had many problems. ①Ground of his argument is so obscure that it cannot verify his theory. ②Arbitrariness of his decipherment on Qun-Li rock painting. ③Meaning of Tangun is not the king seated under the tree. ④The basin of Mudanjiang river valley was not area of Tangun Chosen. ⑤He did not suggest relationships between paintings and did not interpretate the whole meaning of Qun-Li rock painting. ⑥If the man who portrayed on Qun-Li rock painting were Tangun, it deny his theory that Tangun Chosen was builded by Chinese in result. So I did not agree his theory, and did not accept the possibility that man who portrayed on Qun-Li rock painting is Tangun.

한말의 檀君運動과 大倧敎

徐永大(Suh Young-dae) 한국사연구회 2001 한국사연구 Vol.114 No.-

조선후기 類書類에 나타난 민속종교 자료

서영대(Suh, Young-Dae) 한국역사민속학회 2010 역사민속학 Vol.- No.33

이 글은 조선후기의 대표적 유서인 李?光의 『芝峯類說』?洪萬選의 『山林經濟』? 李瀷의 『星湖僿說』?李圭景『五洲衍文長箋散稿』에 수록된 민속종교 관련 자료들을 살펴본 살펴본 것으로, 먼저 4종의 유서에서 민속종교 관련 항목들을 추출하여, 그 내용을 표로 제시하였다. 다음으로 이들 유서류에서 언급된 민속종교 관현 자료들의 성격과 내용을 살펴보았다. ① 이들 유서들은 전대의 것이 후대의 것에 상당한 영향을 미치면서 많은 공통점을 가지게 되었지만, 한편으로는 저술 목적에 띠라 차이가 있다. 즉 『지봉유설』?『성호사설』『?오주연문장전산고』는 백과전서식 저술답게 민속종교의 다양한 측면을 전하는데 비해 『山林經濟』는 실생활에서 발생할 수 있는 문제와 그 해결이란 실천적 내용이 중심을 이루고 있다. ② 이들 유서는 민속종교를 부정적인 것으로 인식했다. 그것은 이들 유서가 기본적으로 유교적 관념에 기초했기 때문이다. 그러나 완전한 부정에는 이르지 못하고, 영험성의 일부를 인정해기도 했다. ③ 조선시대 민속종교의 신앙대상들, 즉 성황신?업신?질병신?金傳大王神?鄭得揚?關王神? 付根神등에 대한 유서류의 내용을 살펴보았다. ④ 이들 유서류들은 귀신에 대해서도 공통적으로 관심을 보였는데, 그들의 귀신론은 기본적으로 성리학에 기초한 것이면서도 그 영험성으로 말미암아 민속종교의 귀신론을 일부 수용하고 있다. ⑤ 이들 유서류에서는 공동적으로 점복에 대해 상당한 관심을 가지고 있다. 그렇지만 개인의 운명에 관한 점복은 부정적으로 인식했고, 농사의 풍흉점에 대해서는 긍정적으로 이해하려 했다. ⑥ 이들 유서류에는 저주와 벽사에 관한 항목들도 상당수 있어, 이를 살펴보았다. ⑦ 무격은 민속종교의 성직자로서 민속종교의 핵심에 서 있는 존재이기 때문에 이들 유서류에서 공통의 관심사가 되었다. 이들 유서에서 무격은 부정적으로 묘사되고 있지만, 그 영험성의 일부는 인정하고 있었다. 그렇다고 한다면 이들 유서류들은 비록 민속종교에 대해 부정적인 입장을 취하고 있고 잘못된 정보를 제공하기도 하지만, 조선후기 민속종교의 다양한 사실들을 전한다는 점에서 자료적 가치를 간과할 수 없다. 따라서 이들 유서류들은 향후 민속종교 연구에서 반드시 심도 있게 검토되어야 할 자료라 하겠다. At first, I extract materials on folk religion from four encyclopedic literatures of late Chosun dynasty-Lee, Ji-Bong-Ryu-Seol(『芝峯類說』) by soo-Kwang(李?光), San-Lim-kyung-Jae(『山林經濟』) by Hong, Man-Sun(洪萬選), Sung-Ho-Sa-Seol(『星湖僿說』) by Lee-Ik(李瀷), O-Ju-Yeon-Moon-Jang-Jun-San-Go(『五洲衍文長箋散稿』) by Lee, Kyu-Kyung(李圭景), and present these materials by tables. Second, I examined the contents and characters of these materials on folk religion. The conclusions from this research are as follows. ① There are common features and points of difference between these four encyclopedic literatures. One of common features are that all these four are encyclopedic works, but San-Lim-Kyung-Jae is more practical than another three. ② These encyclopedic literatures regard folk religion as a negative culture, because these literatures based on Confucianism. But they did not deny miraculous virtues of folk religion. ③ These encyclopedic literatures give us many informations on gods and spitits of Korean folk religion, i.e, city gods(城隍神)?Yup-Sin(업신)?spirits of discase, god Kim-Bu(金傅大王神)?god Jung-Duk-Yang(鄭得陽)?god of King Kuan-u(關王神)?god Bu-keun(付根神) etc. So I review these gods and spirits referenced in encyclopedic literatures. ④ These encyclopedic literatures show much interest in ghost in common. The reason of interest is that authors of these encyclopedic literatures are all scholars of Sung Confucianism and Sung Confucian was concern about ghost. The Sung Confucianism denied the ghost as personal being whom Korean folk religion regards to a kind of spirits. Instead of beliefs in ghost of folk religion, they insist on the ghost as Ki(氣), a kind of cosmic principle. But these encyclopedic literatures acknowledge some parts of folk religion"s beliefs in ghost, because they admit the miraculous virtues of these parts. ⑤ There are many items on divination in these encyclopedic literatures. But they show dual attitude on divinations. The one is negative attitude to divinations on individual destiny and the other one is positive attitude to divinations on agriculture. ⑥ There are also many items on witchcrafts in these encyclopedic literatures. Through these items, I assumed pervasiveness of beliefs on witchcraft at that time. ⑦ Shamans, as religious specialist, are stand on a central position of Korean folk religion. So it is a matter of course that these encyclopedic literatures concerned on Korean shaman. As Confucians, authors of these encyclopedic literatures did not regards shamans as positive one. But they did not deny miraculous virtues of shamans. In spite of these encyclopedic literatures have negative view points to, and include false informations Korean folk religion, I would like to emphasis on importance of these encyclopedic literatures to understand Korean folk religions, especially Korean folk religions of late Yi Dynasty.

단군 관련 구전자료의 검토

서영대(Suh Young-Dae) 고조선단군학회 2009 고조선단군학 Vol.21 No.-

For the most parts of historical materials on Tangun are records. But there are also the other kind of materials such as oral traditions on Tangun. The collect of oral traditions on Tangun was began in 1920' and we can find 11 pieces of folk tales on Tangun until now. I classify these folktales into 6 types raise the standards of stories, i.e. birth of Tangun, wives of Tangun, works of Tangun, tomb of Tangun, Tangun's afterlife, sons of Tangun. In spite of pieces of folktales are a little, I know the diversity of motifs of stories. In the course of examine the oral traditions on Tangun, my concerns are concentrate to comparison of oral traditions with records on Tangun. So one of my conclusion is that oral traditions are more concrete, more national. Second, I think that records influenced to oral traditions on Tangun in many cases, but there are also opposite cases. If it is possible, we can understand emergence of new ideas in the history of ideas on Tangun. That is to say, oral traditions on Tangun were recorded, the fresh ideas on Tangun are appeared. At last, I analysized a book which collect folktales on Tangun by scholars of North Korea, Anthology of Folktales on Tangun. But I conclude that we must careful when we use materials produced by North Korean.

고려 말, 조선 초의 삼성신앙(三聖信仰) 연구

서영대 ( Suh Young-dae ) 인하대학교 한국학연구소 2017 한국학연구 Vol.0 No.46

이 글은 고려 말·조선 초에 신앙대상이 되었던 三聖이란 신에 대해 살펴본 것이다. 이를 위해 우선 관련 사료를 가능한 한 망라하였으며, 이를 토대로 삼성신앙의 수용과 변천, 그리고 삼성의 실체에 대해 언급하였는데, 그 결과는 다음과 같다. 三聖이란 媽祖를 중심으로 한 세 여신인데, 이들 여신에 대한 신앙은 남송대에 중국의 福建 연해지역에서 시작되었다. 성립 당초에는 신앙의 분포가 복건지역에 한정되었으며, 신의 역할도 일반적인 지방신과 마찬가지로 강우·치병·구난 등 지역민의 생존과 관련되는 것들이었다. 그러나 연해지역이란 특수성으로 말미암아 바다와 관련되는 것도 중요한 부분을 이루고 있었다. 그런데 원대에 중국 강남의 미곡을 바다를 통해 운송하는 漕運이 활성화되면서, 마조는 항해보호신으로서의 역할이 크게 부각되고, 조운로를 따라 마조에 대한 신앙도 전국으로 확산된다. 뿐만 아니라 마조는 조정으로부터 봉호와 봉작을 받고, 국가의 祀典에도 포함되었다. 마조를 중심으로 한 삼성신앙은 13세기 후반 충렬왕 때 고려에도 전파된다. 그것은 당시 고려와 원나라 사이에 미곡 수송을 비롯하여 바다를 통한 왕래가 활발했고, 이에 따라 고려에서도 항해보호신의 존재가 필요했기 때문이었다. 특히 충렬왕과 제국대장공주는 사적 이익 추구를 위해 중국과 해로를 통한 무역에 간여했기 때문에, 항해보호신 신앙의 수용에 적극적이었다. 그래서 황해에서 개경으로 들어오는 한강 하구인 豊德에 삼성당(사)가 건립되고, 여기에 삼성무당이 있어 삼성을 모시는 역할을 담당했다. 나아가 삼성은 국가의 사전에 포함되었으며, 왕실에서 사사로이 복을 비는 별기은이 삼성당에서 거행되기도 했다. 그러나 왜구의 발호 등으로 말미암아 해상활동이 위축됨에 따라 삼성은 항해의 안전을 지켜주는 등 바다와 관련된 기능을 상실한다. 그렇지만 삼성은 강우·치병·구난 등을 담당하는 신으로 변신을 하면서, 조선시대까지 삼성신앙이 명맥을 유지한다. 즉 국가사전의 일부를 이루었을 뿐만 아니라 별기은의 대상이 되었고, 전염병이나 가뭄을 비롯한 온갖 어려움의 해결을 삼성에게 빌었다. 그 결과 삼성당에 개한 사회적 수요도 상당하여, 삼성무당은 부의 축적을 이룰 수 있었고, 이에 따라 국가에서 品銅이나 말을 징발할 때 3~4품의 관리에 준하는 할당량이 배정되었던 것이다. 그러나 조선왕조라는 유교국가에서 경전적 근거도 없고 무속적 성격이 강한 삼성신앙이 언제까지나 국가제사의 대상으로 존속될 수는 없는 일이었다. 그래서 태종 때부터 삼성의 처리 문제가 조정에서 이슈화되었다. 그 결과 삼성신앙은 16세기가 되면 기록에서 찾기 어렵게 되고, 삼성당마저 삼성당산이란 山名으로만 전해질 뿐 없어지고 만다. 그러나 삼성이 어느 시점에서 국가제사나 별기은 대상에서 배제되었는지, 또 언제 풍덕의 삼성당마저 폐지되고 삼성신앙이 사라졌는지는 사료의 부족으로 파악하기 어렵다. This article examines the god/goddess called Sam-Sung, means Three Saints, which was believed in the late Koryeo and early Chosen Dynasty. For this, I accumulated the relevant historical materials on Samseong’s faith, and studied on acception, vicissitudes and the substance of Samseong’s identity. Samseong is a three-banded goddess, centering around Matzu whose faith was began in the Fújiàn coast province in Southern Sòng Dynasty in China. At first, the distribution of faith was limited to the region of the Fújiàn coast province, and the role of goddess was related to the survival of the locals, such as rain, disease, and recovery. However, due to the special nature of the coastal area, they had functions related to the sea. But when transportation of grains from south China to north China was very important in Yuan dynasty, the role of Matzu is greatly enhanced, and the worship of Matze was spread throughout the whole China. Furthermore, Matzu was not also received titles and rank of nobility, but also included in the national sacrifice systems. The Samseong faith centering on Mazhu was also spread to Koryeo dynasty during the reign of King Chunyeol in the 13th century. It was because of the passage of rice transport between Koryeo and Yuan dynasty. So Koryeo need god or goddess of navigation protection. In particular, King Chungyeol and the queen Jaekuk, a wife of King Chungyeol were actively engaged in the acceptance of Samseong faith, because they engaged in trade with China to pursue private interests. In results, the Samseong-dang Shrine was built in Pungduk County, mouth of Hangang River near to the Yellow Sea. Furthermore, the Samseong was included in the state sacrifice system as Yuan dynasty, and private rituals of royal family were held Samseong Shrine. However, due to the weakening of the maritime activities because of the Japanese raiders, Samseong loses its safty related functions, such as keeping the voyage. In result, Samseong, has been transformed into a deity responsible for rain, medicine, and recovery, and Samseong continues to survive the Chosen Dynasty. Not only did it form a part of the state sacrifice system, but it also became a subject for private rituals of royal family, and it addressed Samseong to all sorts of difficulties, including epidemics and droughts. As a result, the social demand of Samseong shamans were considerable, so they must paid coppers and horse to state, resulting in allocation of quotas equivalent to 3~4th rank of bureaucrats. However, Chosen dynasty was the Confucian kingdom. So the faith which had no basis on Confucianism and similar to shamanistic traditions, such as Samseong worship, it was impossible to continue to serve as a national ancestral shrine. As a result, Samseong becomes difficult to find in historical materials of the 16th century, However, it is difficult to find out when Samseong faith was excluded from the state sacrifice system, and when it was abolished, because of insufficiency of related documents.