조선 후기 납일(臘日) 풍속 양상과 소멸 과정

서금석 ( Seo Keum-seok ) 호남사학회(구 전남사학회) 2016 역사학연구 Vol.63 No.-

이 글은 오랜 역사적 배경과 함께 고대사회의 통합의 기제로서 위상을 지녔으며, 또한 세시풍속의 하나로서 큰 비중을 차지했던 겨울철 연말 행사인납일이 격변의 20세기라는 시대적 부침을 경험하면서 쉽게 사라진 점에 대해 그 원인을 찾는데 의미를 두었다. 필자는 납일이 사라지게 된 가장 큰 원인으로 서양력의 유입을 지목한다. 조선은 청의 연호 光緖를 따르다가 음력 1895년 11월 16일을 기해 양력1896년 1월 1일로 삼음으로써 양력을 받아들였다. 음력 12월의 절일이었던납일은 서양력을 수용하면서 큰 혼란에 빠질 수밖에 없었다. 납일을 서양력으로 치환하면 해를 넘기게 되어 음력 12월의 연말 행사인 납일의 관념에 크나큰 혼란을 일으킬 수밖에 없었다. 그리고 납일의 또 다른 소멸 원인을 조선 왕조의 쇠락에서 찾을 수 있다. 납일은 여타의 속절과는 달리 왕조 중심의 통합의 장치였다는 점에서 왕조의 몰락과 궤를 같이 하였다. 납일이 왕조의 德運에 따라 일자가 달리 정해졌던점도 왕조의 위상과 납일의 성쇠는 밀접히 관련되어 있었다. 다시 말해 왕조의 흥망에 납일은 직접 노출되어 있었다. 납일이 사라진 세 번째 이유는 새로 유입된 서양 절일과의 경쟁에서 납일이 밀렸기 때문이다. 납일은 동지 후 세 번째 未日로 음력 12월 15-26일 사이에 위치한 행사인데, 앞서 언급한 바와 같이 납일은 이를 양력으로 치환시키면 1월 행사가 되어버려 연말 행사라는 자기 역할에 치명적인 약점을 드러냈다. 이에 반해 크리스마스는 양력 12월 25일로 확정된 날짜에 정해져 있고 또 연말 분위기를 연출하는데 적합했다. 납일의 연말 행사 의미는 크리스마스로 대체되는 데 그리 오랜 시간이 걸리지 않았을 것이다. 이 외의 나머지 이유는 납제에 쓰였던 臘肉의 의미에서도 찾을 수 있겠다. 납제에 올렸던 많은 종류의 고기류는 사냥을 통해 충당되었다. 그렇다면 사냥이 줄어들거나 그것의 성격에 변화가 생길 경우에는 당연히 납일의 의미도 쇠퇴할 수밖에 없을 것이다. 사냥을 통해 획득한 납육은 공동체적인 생산과 분배 그리고 저장의 성질이 강했다. 납육은 당연히 제사가 끝나면 배분되고 저장되어, 겨울철 구성원들 간에 부족한 영양을 보충하는 역할을 하였다. 그러나 납제에 쓰일 희생제물로서 사냥을 통한 짐승의 보충이 없다면 납일이 가졌던 의미는 훼손될 수밖에 없었을 것이다. 이제 전통사회의 납일이 기억 속에서 사라진 경험을 바탕으로 여타의 세시풍속의 소멸과 전승에 대한 충분한 검토와 관심이 필요할 듯하다. 이상과 같이 경험상 세시풍속은 상황의 변화와 그것의 적응력에 따라 소멸되거나 다른절일로 대체되는 과정을 겪을 수 있다는 점을 확인했다. This study is purposed to find the causes Nabil custom disappeared with the rapid changes during the period of the 20th Century although it was a mechanism for social integration in the ancient society with long history and a major year-end festival in winter season. As a major cause of disappearing Nabil, the study points out the inflow of the Western calendar. The Chosun dynasty followed Gwangseo, era name of the Qing dynasty at first, and then accepted the Western calendar in 1895, where the first day of January 1896 fell on the 16th day of November 1895 in lunar calendar. Introducing the Western calendar confused Nabil as a seasonal custom because Nabil was in December in lunar calendar. Based on the Western calendar, Nabil fell on the following year, which was a big confusion in the concept of Nabil as a year-end event held in December in lunar calendar. Another cause to make Nabil disappear can be found in the downfall of the Chosun dynasty. Unlikely other ancestor-memorial days, Nabil shared the fate with the dynasty in that it was the mechanism used by the dynasty for social integration. It is why Nabil fell on a different date according to each dynasty, that is, the ups and downs of Nabil was closely related to the status of the dynasty, which means Nabil was exposed directly to the destiny of the dynasty. The third cause of disappearing Nabil was that it was no match for the Western holiday newly introduced. Nabil fell on the third Sheep day from the winter solstice called Dongji between December 15th and December 26th in lunar calendar. Accordingly, Nabil essentially had a fatal weakness when the day of Nabil as a year-end festival was converted by the Western calendar to be in January. While, Christmas falls on December 25th as fixed and is suitable for the end-of-the-year atmosphere. Thus, it would not take long that the meaning of Nabil as the year-end festival was replaced with Christmas. The study found the rest of the cause in the meaning of Nabyuk, meat used for Nabje which was a ceremony held on Nabil. Various kind of meat used for Nabje was served by hunting. And any change or decrease in hunting implied decline in the meaning of Nabil. Nabyuk through hunting showed strong characteristics of community production, distribution, and store. Nabyuk distributed and stored after the ceremony was nourishment for the community members in winter season. If there had been no meat as a sacrificial offering for Nabje through hunting, Nabje would have been damaged to its meaning. It is required to review and pay attention to extinction and succession of seasonal customs based on the history of Nabil from the traditional society. As above mentioned, the study confirmed that seasonal customs can go through the process of disappearing or getting replaced with another holiday according to change in the situations or their adaptability.

고려의 역법(曆法) 추이를 통해 본 『고려사』 「역지(曆志)」 서문의 검토

서금석 ( Keum Seok Seo ) 호남사학회 2012 역사학연구 Vol.47 No.-

This study is purposed to review the preface of 「Yeokji」. 『Goryeosa (History of Goryeo)』 critically through the development of Goryeo calendrical science. This is expected to be a moment to understand the characteristics of Goryeo Calendar System. Jeong In-ji, editor of 「Yeokji」, 『Goryeosa』 says in the preface, Goryeo did not make calendar system and couldn`t follow Chinese calenda reform. And also he added Goryeo used only the Xuanming Calenda of Tang and the Shoushi Calenda of Yuan. Thus, it needs to verify the editor`s cognition. To do so, firstly Chinese-centered calendrical science is examined to review the development of Goryeo Calenda System, which was universally used in Northeast Asia in the Middle Ages. According to the research, China continuously proclaimed its calendrical science to Goryeo, and Goryeo kept accepting that. But, 「Yeokji」 does not show any words about the acceptance at all. Goryeo used its own calendar system regardless of Chinese astronomy and calendrical science. Thus, it is required to conduct further study on Goryeo calenda system made in Goryeo. The editor of the preface of 「Yeokji」, 『Goryeosa』 looked at the order of calendrical science through the world view of Chinese Calendar system. In addition, he pointed that Goryeo Calenda System could not follow Chinese calenda reform. This is why we try to review the background of the time when 「Yeokji」 was compiled, and to prove there might be another intension in such editor`s cognition. Before the research into the preface of 「Yeokji」, we should notice that the editor was Jeong In-ji in the reign of King Sejong when astronomy and calendrical science was at its peak. That is, the preface of 「Yeokji」 was written in the viewpoint of a Neo-Confucian in Early Choson Dynasty. He saw Goryeo calendrical science in two viewpoints: one is that he evaluated Goryeo Calenda System in the respect of Chinese-centered order of calendrical science; and the other is expression of his pride in experiencing the development of astronomy and calendrical science achieved in the reign of King Sejong. In the special period of King Sejong, he saw Goryeo calendrical science in his special viewpoint. The reason he said, Goryeo did not make calendar system, and couldn`t follow Chinese calenda reform was the causality that he included only Xuanming Calenda and Shoushi Calenda in 「Yeokji」. He as an editor could not help defending his compilation of 「Yeokji」 showing only Xuanming Calendar and Shoushi Calenda, by mentioning Goryeo did not make calendar system, and couldn`t follow Chinese calenda reform.

고려 초 ‘광주(光州)’지명의 출현 시기와 정치적 배경

서금석 ( Seo Keum-seok ) 호남사학회(구 전남사학회) 2018 역사학연구 Vol.69 No.-

본고는 『고려사』 「지리지」 해양현 편의 “太祖 23年 稱光州” 기사를 입증하는데 그 목적이 있다. 이를 위해 크게 두 가지 관점에서 살폈다. 요약하면 다음과 같다. 먼저 태조 왕건의 후계 구도에 따른 왕실의 권위 확보와 연관함으써 태자武의 이름을 피휘한 조치였다는 점을 강조했다. 이는 피휘의 역사적 단서, 곧 중국 황태자의 이름도 피휘했음을 보임으로써 입증하고자했다. 피휘는 중국으로부터 전래되었던 사례를 염두에 둘 때, 중국의 황태자 이름의 피휘는 황실의 위상과 권위를 계승하기 위한 방편이었다. 이를 개국 고려가 따랐다면, 무주의 광주 개호는 태자 ‘武’의 피휘와 무관하지 않다고 본다. 한편으로 이는 태조 말년 왕위 계승을 예고한 사전적 포석과 배려까지 담고 있다고 하겠다. 그리고 『고려사』 「지리지」에서 군현의 이름 변경에 따라 소개된 용어 중에서 ‘改’ㆍ‘更’ㆍ‘稱’ㆍ‘爲’의 용례를 분석해, ‘稱’+‘光州’에서 ‘稱’이 어떤 의미를 담고 있었는지를 살폈다. 요컨데, 다수의 사례를 통해 보건데, “稱光州”에서의 ‘稱’은 광주의 군현 변동을 적시하고 있으며, 이것은 『고려사』 「지리지」 해양 현 편에서 밝힌 “태조 23년 稱光州”의 실재를 그대로 보여준 것이다. 정리하면, 광주의 지역명은 태조 23년에 武州에서 光州로 改號되었고, 광주의 호칭은 이때를 시점으로 불러졌다고 하겠다. This study is purposed to prove the record, “called Gwangju in the 23rd year of King Taejo’s reign (太祖 23年 稱光州)” in Haeyang-hyeon section of 「Geography」 called Jiriji in Korean in 『Goryeosa』. For the purpose, the study reviewed the record from two viewpoints. They can be summarized as follows; First, the study underlines that Crown Prince Mu’s name got ‘PiHui(避 諱, to avoid using the letter by replacing it with another letter in case of the same letter as the one used in the King's name) in order to secure royal authority based on the succession plan of King Taejo Wanggun. It can be proved by the historical fact of PiHui that the name of Chinese crown prince got Pi-hui not to be used in other names or writings. Pi-hui was introduced from China, and Pi-hui of the Crown Prince’s name in China was an expedient to succeed to the royal status and authority. Considering that the new nation Goryeo followed such Chinese Pi-hui system, changing the place name Muju into Gwangju could be related to Crown Prince Mu’s Pi-hui, which was a preliminary groundwork and strategic move to succeed to King Taejo’s throne. And the study reviewed what the word Ching(稱, meaning call) in the phrase ‘Ching + Gwangju’ (‘稱’+‘光州’) implies by analysing the cases of the words ‘Gae(改)’, ‘Gyeong(更)’ and ‘Ching(稱)’ introduced according to changing the name of Gun-Hyeon units in 「Jiriji」, 『Goryeosa』. Considering the cases, it can be concluded that ‘Ching(稱)’ in the record “called Gwangju (稱光州)” means the change of Gwangju-gun or hyeon, which was shown in the record, “called Gwangju in the 23rd year of King Taejo’s reign” in Haeyang-hyeon section of 「Jiriji」, 『Goryeosa』. In summary, the name of Gwangju was changed from Muju(武州) to Gwangju(光州) in the 23rd year of King Taejo’s reign and has been called Gwangju since then.