朝鮮初期 密陽 在地勢力의 淸道移住와 定着過程

朴洪甲(Park, Hong-Gab) 백산학회 2004 白山學報 Vol.- No.70

Since the early Chosun, the Milyang Park’s(밀양박씨) had lived in Cheongdo. It is not discovered yet how Park Gun(朴乾), who had moved first to Cheongdo, had lived. Therefore, I want to explain how Milyang Park’s settled down there and adjusted to it. Park Ik(朴翊), Park Gun’s grandfather, was raised in the native Milyang Park’s family, and held the post of Yea-Jo-Pan-Seo(예조판서). However he retired to this hometown against the foundation of Chosun Dynasty. His four sons were not in the government services, but they held government offices thanks to the will of Park Ik, who died in 1398. The first son, Park Yung(朴融), passed the classical examination and held the post of the governor of KyoungsangDosa(慶尙都事), and this made him closely connected with Cheongdo. As a result, he had his son, Park Gun, marry the daughter of Kim Cheol-sung(金哲誠). This led Park Gun move to Cheongdo where his wife’s family lived. After that, Park Seung-won(朴承元), the son of Park Gun, became Ha Suk-pu’s son in law. At that time, Ha Suk-pu(河叔溥) was the richest person in Cheongdo. However he didn’t have any sons to leave his great estate and slaves to, so Park Seung-won inherited all those estate and slaves. This made the Park’s become stable economically. Both Park Gun’s father and grandfather passed the classical examinations, and both he and his only son, Park Seung-won, passed the military service examinations. Being in the central government services helped them to make the field of their business wider in their hometown. Furthermore, it was a strong backing for the descendants to become Sa-lim(士林), the representatives of that area. At that time, the same families lived together in one village. This story shows how the Milyang Park’s village became the biggest ever.

홍순언 행적과 기억과정

박홍갑 ( Park Hong-gab ) 청계사학회 2021 청계사학 Vol.23 No.-

조선 선조 조에 살았던 홍순언은 종계변무에 공을 세워 역관으로서는 이례적으로 공신에 책봉되었고 당릉군이란 작호까지 받았다. 그 후 임진왜란이 일어나 명나라 원군을 요청할 때에도 뇌물에 의존하지 않고 정도를 걷는 외교로 일관하였는데, 그의 공적은 후일 위정자들에게도 자주 회자되곤 했다. 아울러 그가 사신으로 파견되었을 당시 거금을 들여 어려움에 처한 명나라 지인을 도운 적이 있었는데, 이 미담이 최초로 언급된 것은 한 마을에 살았던 유몽인의 『어우야담』이었다. 그런데 지인을 도운 단순했던 미담은 시간이 흐르면서 확대 재생산되어 여러 야담집에 오르게 되었으니, 임란 파병 당시 도움을 준 명나라 병부상서 석성과의 연결이 바로 그것이다. 즉, 홍순언이 사신단 일행으로 명을 방문했을 당시 어려움에 처한 여인을 구해 준 일이 있는데, 이 여인이 후일 석성 후실이 되어 홍순언에게 은혜를 갚는다는 서사구조로 발전해 간 것이다. 여기에는 한양 광동방의 홍순언이 살았던 보은단동이란 유래가 석성 후실이 은혜를 갚기 위해 비단에 ‘보은단’이란 글자를 수놓아 보낸 것 때문이라는 그럴듯한 내용까지 포함되어 있다. 민담이라 할지라도 사실에 근거한 모티브는 있어야 한다. 서인집권 이후 광해군 외교를 폄하하는 과정에서 자연스레 홍순언의 의로운 외교방향이 각광을 받게 되었다. 여기에다 조선후기 숭명 사상이 확대되면서 자연스레 임란 파병의 주인공 석성을 추모하는 사회가 되었다. 이런 정치 사회적 분위기가 반영된 기억과정에서 또 다른 문화 양상으로 표출된 것이 바로 홍순언 민담이었다. 따라서 전승된 기억이 역사적 사실과 그 모습을 달리한다 할지라도, 기억과정 그 자체가 커다란 역사적 의의를 가진다 할 것이다. Hong Sun-eon, an official interpreter in King Seonjo’s reign, was in-stalled as a meritorious minister based on his contribution to settling the matter of “clarifying the royal lineage.” He was also given the honor-ific title Dangreung-gun. Then when the Japanese invasions occurred, he played a key role in requesting military aid from Ming China without paying a bribe. Such achievement gave him a reputation for integrity, and since then his work was often talked about among the officials. There is a story about him helping a Chinese acquaintance when he was dispatched to Ming as an envoy. It was recorded first in the Eou’s Unofficial Stories by Yu Mong-in, who lived in the same town as him. However, the simple story got expanded and embellished as time went on, and a different version of it is included in other story books. For example, in the Gukdang’s Amusing Story by Jeong Tae-je, the Chinese acquaintance turned into a woman. In the story, Hong was on a diplo-matic mission to Ming and rescued the woman from her predicament. She later became a concubine of Minister Shi Xing and repaid Hong’s kindness by asking her husband to provide assistance to him in both “clarifying the royal lineage” and obtaining the promise from the Ming court to send troops against the Japanese invasions. The story was likely developed after the Westerners ousted King Gwanghaegun from power in order to disparage the deposed king’s diplomatic policy toward Ming and at the same time praise Hong’s diplomatic achievements. As the pro-Ming stance became dominant, Shi Xing’s assistance was also hon-ored in Joseon society. This political and social situation must have in-fluenced the collective memory, which is reflected in the story. Although the memory differs from the actual history, the memory process itself contains historical significance.

16세기 전반기 정국 추이와 충주사림의 피화 - 광주이씨 克堪系를 중심으로 -

박홍갑(Park Hong-Gab) 한국사학회 2005 史學硏究 Vol.- No.79

연산군 시기 두 차례의 사화에서 큰 타격을 입은 사림 세력들은 중종반정으로 다소 활기를 찾을 수 있었다. 그러나 중앙 정국은 여전히 훈구 공신들이 장악하고 있었다. 그런 가운데 훈구계 인물 중에서도 사림을 이해하는 집단이 생겨났고, 이들의 후원으로 다시금 중앙정치무대에 사림세력들이 등장할 수 있었다. 이리하여 종전의 영남사림과는 판이하게 구분되는 기호지역 인물들이 대거 등장하게 되었는데, 이때부터는 충주지역이라는 공간적 배경이 매우 주목되어야 하는 곳이다.<br/> 기호사림의 활약을 보면, 세조 무렵에 거주지를 충주로 옮긴 광주이씨 후예들의 활약이 매우 돋보였다. 이연경과 그의 6촌 이약빙 형제를 비롯한 인물들이 바로 그들인데, 그 외에도 기묘사화 이후 이자ㆍ김세필 등이 충주로 낙향하여 새로이 정착하였다. 또한 충주박씨로 출자한 박상이 당시 충주목사로 있으면서 이들과 깊이 교류하였고, 김안국은 충주와 뱃길로 맞닿아 있는 여주에 정착하여 이들과 자주 접촉하였다.<br/> 이리하여 한때 충주지역은 양명학을 가장 먼저 받아들여 그 학문적 성과를 논의하는 공간적 배경이 된 곳이어서 조선유학계의 선도 역할을 하고 있었다. 동시에 길재-김종직-김굉필-조광조로 이어져 내려오던 성리학 계보의 선상에서도 다음 세대와 연결시켜 주는 교량역할을 훌륭하게 소화했던 지역이었다. 이는 모두가 충주에 정착했던 광주이씨들의 보이지 않는 힘이 작용한 결과였다.<br/> 조선 초기 훈구파의 대명사로 알려졌던 광주이씨는 갑자사화에서 이세좌를 비롯한 일족들이 크게 화를 입었고, 중종반정이후 기호사림파가 등장하는 시기에는 사림들과 현실의식을 같이 하는 인물들이 배출되어 또 다시 화를 입었다. 이연경ㆍ이약빙ㆍ이약수 등의 인물들이 바로 그들이다.<br/> 조광조를 비롯한 기묘사림들이 몰락한 이후에는 사림들의 대응방식에 있어서 개혁의지가 뚜렷하고 성향이 분명한 인물들은 사라졌다. 다시 말해 개혁 의지 면에서 약간 희석되고 성향 면에서도 색깔이 분명하지 않은, 또 소수정예가 아닌 다수의 사림들이 활동하는 시기였다. 아울러 이 시기는 파행적인 척신정치가 이어지면서 외척들 간의 지루한 권력다툼이 이어지기도 했다.<br/> 중종 후반기에서 명종 시기에 이르는 동안 충주지역 광주이씨 계열의 활동상을 보면, 앞에서 설명한 양상과 비슷한 현상을 띠기도 한다. 충주를 기반으로 한 광주이씨 후예들 중에서 이연경과 이약빙이 대표적 인물인데 서로의 명망이 비등했다. 그리고 기묘사화로 모두 충주로 낙향해야 했지만, 그 이후 행보는 각기 달랐다. 이연경은 인종조 현량과가 복과된 뒤에도 충주에서 은거하는 자세를 견지하였다. 그럼에도 불구하고 그의 문인과 종유한 인물들(노수신ㆍ이준경ㆍ심희수-외손자)은 다가오는 사림정치의 주역으로 부상하였다.<br/> 그러나 이약빙은 꾸준하게 중앙정계에 대한 미련을 버리지 않았다. 이러한 그의 현실 대응 때문에 명종 때 양재역 벽서사건이 일어나자 사사되었고, 이어서 그의 아들과 제자들이 연루된 충주옥을 야기하고 말았다. 충주옥은 소윤세력이 대윤세력 잔당을 소탕하는 마지막 사안으로 불거진 것이었는데, 충주 고을 전체가 텅 비었다 할 정도로 사림의 타격이 심했다. 그러나 선조가 즉위한 후 화를 입었던 자들이 모두 신원되었듯이, 사림정치가 꽃을 피우게 되자 충주사림에 대한 재평가도 동시에 이루어지게 되었다. Salim played active parts in the first half of 16th century in Chosun Dynasty. By the way, Chungju is meaningful, in that Salim had their bases more and more in Chunju. People who had been damaged from Kimyosawha under the 14th year of Jungjong dominion, gathered in Chungju. We might call those people Chungju Salim, for instance, Lee Yeonkyoung, Lee Yakbing, Lee Ja, Kim Sepil, Pak Sang, etc., They discussed about advanced studies of China, getting ready for a new period. Two of them were typical of Chungju Salim, who gained similar reputations. They had to retire to their native place, Chungju, after Kimyosawha, but their lives after that were different.<br/> Lee Yeonkyoung lived a retired life in quiet. Nonetheless, his disciples started to play leading parts in the politics of Salim.<br/> However, Lee Yakbing was unwilling to resign from major politics. As a result, he was caught up in political events.<br/> Furthermore, his son and all of his disciples were caught up in 'ChunjuOk (충주옥)' and were damaged. 'ChungjuOk' was an event which Soyun(소윤) set up to eliminate Dayun(대윤).<br/> The damage was so severe that Chungju became nearly empty.<br/> However, people who had been damaged proved to be innocent right after Seonjo's(선조) accession to the throne.<br/> Furthermore, as the politics of Salim opened up, Chungju Salim was revaluated.

집현전 학사 최만리의 정치활동

박홍갑(Park Hong-Gab) 한국고전번역원 2011 民族文化 Vol.- No.37

1419년 문과에 급제한 최만리는 이듬해 집현전이 창립되면서 박사(정7품)를 제수 받았고, 7년이 지난 시점에도 집현전 응교(종4품)로 활동하였다. 이 때 최만리는 현실 정치에 참여할 기회를 별로 가지지 못한 채 정책 수립을 위한 기초적 학문 연구와 경연 혹은 세자 교육에만 매진하였던 것으로 보인다. 그 후 최만리는 1431년에 전임 서연관 제도가 만들어져 1435년 폐지될 때까지 세자 사부로만 전념하였고, 이어 집현전을 이끄는 부제학에 올라 1444년 갑자상소를 계기로 낙향할 때까지 집현전을 지켰다. 순수 학술기구로 출발한 집현전이 점차 정치적 기구로 변해가던 상황과 짝 하여, 최만리도 생애 후반 10년 정도는 매우 적극적인 정치활동을 펼치고 있었다. 1437년부터 모두 15차례에 걸친 상소에서 그의 정치적 입장이 잘 드러나는데, 상소 내용이 대체로 예민한 정치사회적 문제들이었다. 이렇듯 그의 언론 활동이 생애 후반기에 집중되었던 것은 당시 권력구조나 정치적 분위기와 직결된다 하겠다. 최만리의 학문경향은 書筵을 통해 짐작할 수 있는데, 당시 세자 교육은 체와 용의 결합체인 『대학연의』를 중심으로 하되, 폭넓고 실용적인 학문까지 포함하고 있었다. 아울러 당시 집현전 학풍이 心性의 측면과 敬을 강조하는 측면이 강했고, 특히 正心과 養性을 이루는 방편으로 경을 내세우고 있었다. 따라서 최만리 역시 이와 연관된 학문 성향을 보였을 것이다. 또한 집현전 학사들의 개방적이고 실용적인 입장에서 공리를 우선으로 하는 ‘박학치지’ 강조의 학풍을 띄고 있는데, 이런 의식세계가 갑자상소에까지 영향을 미쳤을 것으로 판단된다. Choi Man-ri passed the state examination for civilian officials in A.D. 1419. He was appointed to the post of Paksa, which was of a first level position within the 7th official rank, in A.D. 1419, when the Royal Academic Institute of Jiphyeonjeon was established. He served in Jiphyeonjeon for the next 7 years and was given a post of the second level of the 4th official rank: Eunggyo. What he was mainly in charge of at the time, since he only had a few chances to participate in real politics, was doing basic academic research to frame government policies and participating in an academic seminar for the King and the Crown Prince. Academic seminars for the Crown Prince were institutionalized in A.D. 1431, and from that time until the system was repealed in A.D. 1435, Choi Man-ri served as a tutor to the Crown Prince. After that, he was appointed to the post of Bujehak, the chief official of Jiphyeonjeon, and stayed there until he left the post after presenting a petition to the King in the year of Kabja (A.D. 1444). As Jiphyeonjeon, which was established merely for academic research, was gradually changing into a political organization, Choi Man-ri was also becoming more political and spent 10 years of the latter part of his life briskly working on political activities. His political position is most strikingly revealed in those 15 petitions-mostly concerning controversial political-social issues-he submitted to the King starting in A.D 1437. The fact that his critical-political activities were mostly from the latter part of his life is related to the political atmosphere and the power structure of the time. Choi Man-ris academic tendency is revealed in the record of academic seminars he participated. The education for the Crown Prince was mainly focused on The Interpretation of Ta-shueh (『大學衍義』) which is a combination of the substance (體) and the function (用), but it also included practical studies. Jiphyeonjeon was founded by King Sejong, thus, its academic trend was unavoidably dependent on the Kings academic tendency and his governing philosophy, so Choi Man-ri also seemed to be concerned about the nature of the mind (心性) and reverence (敬). At his time, reverence was believed to be a method of achieving the right mind (正心) and cultivation of the mind (養性). The practical and uninhibited academic trend of Jiphyeonjeon scholars had a certain relationship with the academic trend of the Ming Dynasty, the trend of broad study and extension of knowledge (博學致知) in which public interests were given priority. So it is possible to say that Choi Man-ris consciousness of public opinion and public interest affected the substance of his petition to the King in the year of Kabja (A.D. 1444).

전통사회 家系기록과 太祖 만들기

朴洪甲(Park, Hong-Gab) 한국사학회 2009 史學硏究 Vol.- No.96

경주노씨 성립과 그 일파의 선산지역 정착과정

박홍갑(Park Hong-gab) 역사실학회 2006 역사와실학 Vol.31 No.-

Genealogy is necessary in understanding family names. However, genealogy doesn't represent things as they really are. The Kyeongju (Ankang) Rohs started to entitling their ancestors emperor and compiled genealogies from the late Joseon dynasty. Remaining various kinds of materials about people were made mostly in this period, and it was the same to other families. Therefore, when the Kyeongju Rohs started to compile their genealogy, there was no material about their progenitor and their ancestors. So they had no choice but to compile their genealogy making the brothers, Jongseon(從善) and Heeseon(禧善) as Kyeongju Roh I, who were born during the reign of Sejong. Their genealogy shows that Jongseon brothers who are revered as Kyeongju Roh I moved from Angang(안강) to Sunsan after the reign of Sejo. But the truth is that the Angang Rohs(안강노씨) were previously settled in Suns an. Because Roh-ho(노호), who passed civil service examination in the first year of Sejong, was from Angang and had lived in southern Suns an. Other than that, there was a party of the Kyeongju Rohs who settled in Sangju(상주), and they seem to have settled in Sangju leaving from Angang before the late Goryeo. Five members of the Angang Rohs-Roh Jongseon(노종선), Roh Suham(노수함), Roh Kyeongpil(노경필), Roh Kyeong-im(노경임) and Roh ho(노호) -were mentioned in the Seonsan's 『Ilseonji(一善誌)』, which seems to had been published during the reign of lord Gwanghae(광해군). Therefore, The Angang Rohs who moved to Seonsan must have had some interests in Yangban society. Their descendents actively held official positions -civil and military positons -, and maintained their stature by promoting friendly relations with Seonbi(classical scholars) in the neighborhood. Roh Suham who passed Jinsasi(진사시 ; classical literature examination in the Joseon Dynasty) married a daughter of Jangyeol(장열), who was Yijopanseo(이조판서; minister in the Joseon Dynasty) and also the father of Jang Hyeon-guang(장현광). Among his six sons, the first and the second son had no successors, and the third son, Kyeongpil(경필) and the fifth son, Kyeong-yun(경윤) and the sixth son, Kyeong-im(경임) founded their house greatly. That's the reason why the three major factions are the main current of the Kyeongju Rohs, and most of them have been living in the neighborhood around Seonsan. These families have had hard times after Japanese[Hideyoshi's] invasion of Korea in 1592, but after the reign of Yeongjo(영조), they made it an occasion to found their house, turning out many high level military officials, like Roh Kyejeong(노계정) and Roh Sangchu(노상추), who arc the descendents of Roh Kyoungpil.

16세기초 청도지역 사림의 활동 : 甁齋 朴河澄을 중심으로 with Park Ha Jing as the central figure

朴洪甲 영남대학교 2003 민족문화논총 Vol.28 No.-

Park Ha Jing(朴河澄;1484~1566) lived in Choseon Dynasty when the political situation was very difficult. The majority of new Salim(scho1ars) met with disasters during the four Sahwas, literati purges(士禍) including the Muosahwa(戊午士禍). But this was the process to hand down the political ideology to the next generation. Because of the confused political situation of that time, it was natural that many Sanlim scholars were produced. By the 17th century, many scholars called Sanlimcheosa(山林處士) were produced in many provinces. But it was well known fact that many scholars of this kind had already existed in the 16th century. Park Ha Jing was the man who first immigrated to Cheongdo district as the family name Milyang Park and was the grandchild of So Go Gong. He was appointed Saganwon Jeong-eon(司諫院正言) by King Jungjong(中宗) at the age of 32, but he soon quitted his position and went back to his hometown. After 5 years of his retirement, Gimyosahwa(己卯士禍) broke out. His elder brother Park Ha Dam was recommended for the Hyeonryanggwa(賢良科) but he refused and applied himself to his study. After Hyeonryanggwa being abolished, they did their role as Cheosa(處士) scholars concentrating on their studies, enjoying nature in Mt. Unmun with Kim Dae Yu(金大有;1479~1560) who returned to his hometown, Cheongdo. At that time many Salim were produced in Cheongdo including Kim Il Son(金馹孫;1464~1498). Also there were many recluse Salim because of Sahwa. Consequently, it was possible that many Cheosa scholars were produced in Cheongdo because Cheongdo was recognized as the central district of Salim naturally with having the local characteristics. Park Ha Jing began to study Sohak(小學) and practice it from the age of 8. He also practiced Jujagarye(朱子家禮) and promoted the spread of it. Academic features, then, was a phase that changed from Sajanghak(詞章學) to Dohak(道學) giving the first consideration to Gyeonghak(經學). So it was an urgent thing that Seongrihak(Neo-Confucianism, 性理學) ethics was practiced and spread. Gimyosalim(己卯士林) promoted the spread of Sohak and Jujagarye in Yeongnam province. They taught people Seongrihak ethic with Park Ha Dam, Kim Dae Yu, Jo Sik, Lee Hwang. They also satisfied themselves with their scholastic desire with relating to Seong Su Chim, Lee Yeon Gyeong. It was evident that Cheosa scholars including Park Ha Jing had the limit of their ability from practical views of their studies and times. So far, Such as the inclination of the phase of undeveloped philosophy, they taught and practiced Seongrihak ethic in person, demonstrating Sohak and Garye. The social activities such as promoting the spread of Hwyangeumjurye(鄕飮酒禮) and founding Sachang(社倉) were their necessary things to make their intellectual bases. In this aspect, they took the lead compared to other districts. Owing to these backgrounds, 14 righteous persons(義士) were produced in the So Go Gong(嘯皐公)'s families, They could defeat the Japanese troops during the Yimjinwoaeran. With this as a momentum, Salim took the lead of Cheongdo distric communities.