1920년대 申采浩와 梁啓超의 역사연구방법론 비교 : E. 베른하임을 참고하여

박찬승(Park, Chan-Seung) 한국사학사학회 2004 韓國史學史學報 Vol.0 No.9

'Introduction' of the book 'Korean ancient history' written by Shin Chae Ho was highly influenced by Liang Qichao's(1873~1929) book 'The methodologies of Chinese history'. Shin Chae Ho borrowed many ideas and most of the organizational framework of his 'Introduction' from Liang Qichao. Shin Chae Ho dealt with the same themes that was found in 'The methodologies of Chinese history' but discussed it in terms of historical documents or events in Korea. Since Liang Qichao referred to 'Introduction to history' written by Ernst Bernheim when he wrote his book, it can be assumed that modern methodologies of western history was adopted by Shin Chae Ho in his 'Introduction'. Shin Chae Ho believed that history is a document of mental activities that develop both spatially and temporally. He emphasized the importance of objective descriptions of historical facts. He also knew the importance of explanations for causal relationship in writing history and of studies of historical records. All these reflect the influences of Liang Qichao and Ernst Bernheim on Shin Chae Ho. However, Shin Chae Ho had his uniqueperspectives as well. For example, he said that history is a struggle between 'me'(or 'us') and 'others'. He also emphasized the importance of specificities and uniqueness of each nation(Minjok). These are indications of his own 'nationalistic history'. In summary, Shin Chae Ho adopted modern methodologies in Western history from Liang Qichao and Ernst Bernheim and developed a new methodology of his own. We now call it methodology of nationalistic history.

재조선 일본인 저널리스트의 조선통치정책론 비교

박찬승(Park, Chan-Seung) 한국사연구회 2017 한국사연구 Vol.- No.179

1920년대 중반~1930년대초 민족주의 좌파의 신간회운동론

朴贊勝(Park Chan-Seung) 한국사연구회 1993 한국사연구 Vol.80 No.-

일제하의 "백의(白衣)" 비판과 "색의(色衣)" 강제

박찬승 ( Chan Seung Park ) 한양대학교 동아시아문화연구소(구 한양대학교 한국학연구소) 2014 동아시아 문화연구 Vol.59 No.-

한국인들이 백의를 즐겨 입은 것은 멀리 고대부터였다. 그러나 고려 말, 그리고 조선시대에 들어와 정부는 백의는 동방국의 옷이 아니라면서 ‘백의 금령’을 수차례 내렸다. 당시 정부는 백의 대신 동방의 색인 청색 옷을 입도록 종용하였다. 그러나 백성들은 청색 옷보다는 백의나 옅은 옥색의 옷을 즐겨 입었다. 대한제국기에 들어와 서양인들은 한국인들은 ‘백의인’이라고 부르기 시작했다. 일제강점기 이후에도 백의 습속은 이어졌고, 한국인들도 스스로를 ‘백의민족’‘백의동포’라고 부르기 시작했다. 일부 독립운동 단체는 ‘백의’라는 용어를 단체 이름에 빌려 쓰기도 했다. ‘백의’가 한국민족의 표상으로 등장한 것이다. 그런데 1920년대 들어 일부 민족주의자들은 돈, 시간, 노동력의 낭비, 그리고 활동상의 비효율 등을 들어 백의를 버리고 색의를 입자고 주장했다. 이에 호응하여 청년회, 종교단체 등이 나서서 생활개선의 차원에서 백의를 버리고 색의를 입자는 운동을 전개하였다. 그러나 민간의 호응은 그리 크지는 않았다. 당시 언론은 민간에서 색의 장려 캠페인이 큰 호응을 받지 못하고 있는 이유로 염료 가격의 부담, 염료 기술의 보급 미흡 등에 있다고 분석했다. 1930년대에 들어와서는 일부 관리들과 관변 단체들이 백의 폐지와 색복 장려 운동을 펼치기 시작했다. 특히 전북과 경북 지사로 차례로 임명된 김서규가 이 운동에 앞장섰다. 이에 우가키 카즈시게 총독은 농촌진흥운동의 일환으로 ‘색복’을 장려하도록 지시했다. 이에 따라 색복장려운동은 완전히 관의 주도로 넘어갔다. 이후 ‘색복 장려’는 사실상 ‘색복 강제’가 되었다. 각군에서는 강연회, 선전비라 배포, 염색강습회 등을 개최하여 대중을 계몽하려 했다. 그리고 일부 군에서는 백의를 입은 이는 관청의 출입을 못하도록 했고, 시장에 백의를 입고 온 이에 대해서는 붉은 색 잉크나 먹물을 뿌리기도 했다. 또 집집마다 찾아다니며 서약서를 받기도 했다. 이와 같은 무리한 강제에 의하여, 1940년경에 이르면 백의를 입은 이들은 상당히 줄어들었다. 이상에서 살핀 것처럼 한국인 민족주의자나 조선총독부는 백의를 착용하는 습속을 돈, 시간, 노동력, 효율성 등의 근대적 가치기준을 들어 함께 비판하였다. 그 결과 한때 등장하였던‘백의민족’이라는 표상은 설 자리를 잃어 갔다. 해방 직후 ‘백의민족’ ‘백의동포’라는 말은 일시 부활하였다. 그러나 한국전쟁 이후 한복이 점차 양복에 밀리면서 ‘백의’는 자연스럽게 소멸되어 갔으며, ‘백의민족’이라는 말도 서서히 사라져갔다. From the ancient times, Koreans enjoyed wearing white clothes. However, after the end of the Goryeo Dynasty and during the Joseon Dynasty, the government issued an order not to wear white clothes several times, saying that white clothes were not the clothes of the Eastern Country. Those days, the government urged to wear blue-clothes, saying the blue color was that ofthe Eastern Country. The subjects, however, enjoyed wearing white clothes or pale blue-green clothes. Western people started to call Korean people “White-Clad People” in the era of Korean Empire Government. During the colonial period, Koreans began to call themselves White-Clad People, White-Clad Nation or White-Clad Compatriot. Some independence movement organizations borrowed the term of white-clad or white clothes for their organization names. In the 1920s, the press, young people’s organizations and religious organizations conducted campaigns to wear color garments, discarding white clothes in order to improve life. They insisted to wear color garments, instead of white clothes, due to economic reason, the waste of time and inconveniences in activities. Civilians`` response was not much favorable, though. The press said the reasons why such a campaign did not receive good responses were the burden of dye prices and lacking diffusion of dye technology. In the 1930s, some government officials and interest groups began to wage a campaign to abolish white clothes and wear color garments. Especially, Kim Seo-gyu, who was appointed as Jeonbuk and Gyeongbuk Governors in sequence, led the campaign. Japanese Resident-General Ugaki Kazushige instructed to encourage color garments as part of a rural development campaign. The color garments encouragement campaign was completely led by the government. Since then, the encouragement to wear color garments came to force to wear color garments. Each county tried to enlighten the public by holding lectures, distributing propaganda leaflets and offering lectures on dye. Some counties prevented people wearing white clothes from entering government offices, and also sprayed red ink or Chinese ink to thosewho wore white clothes in markets. Also, some county officials visited households and received written oaths. Due to such forceful acts, people wearing white clothes decreased quite a lot by 1940.

근대 일본ㆍ중국의 ‘武士道’론과 신채호의 ‘花郞’론

박찬승(Park Chan-seung) 충남대학교 충청문화연구소 2010 충청문화연구 Vol.5 No.-

Shin Chae-ho's discourse of Hwarang has its background on militaristic spirit of Korea Empire as well as Bushido of Japan and Liang qi chao's discourse of bushido emerged in China after 1890s. In the case of Japan, on the basis of the victories over China and Russia, it had the splendid resurrection under the name of 'Bushido' with the customs and virtue of the past samurai. At the time, the imperialists of Japan advocated that the source of victories in two wars were in its Bushido and asserted that the Bushido was the Soul of Japan. Liang qi chao who was in Japan as he was exiled concurred to the point that the cause of China defeated against Japan since China lacked the militaristic spirit like the Bushido. However, he did not agree that there was nothing in the Chinese history like Bushido. He wrote a book named Bushido of China in 1904 that the ancient period of Civil Wars(B.C.8th~B.C.3rd century) in Chinese history was the time of booming Bushido, and through the process of Chin's unification and Confucian nationalism of Han Dynasty, the Bushido was diminished. Liang qi chao also wrote an article in 1899 under the theme of 「Where is the Soul of China」 to assert that the Bushido of China has to revive to make it a Soul of China. Interest of Shin Chae-ho on Hwarang seemed to have a great influence of Lang qi chao's Bishido of China or 「Where is the Soul of China」, Shin Chae-ho had the interest on Seon-gyo (仙敎) with the influence of Daejonggyo as the nationalism around 1910. And this was led to the interest on Hwarang around 1910 and he considered Seon-gyo as the origin of Hwarang to link both together. And around 1920, the spirit of 'Hwarang' was referred to as 'Hwarang-do', 'Rangga' and others to find the core of the soul of Korea and National spirit. He also considered this Rangga ideology to give way to Confucianism with the Incident of Myochong during the Goryeo Dynasty as the turning point. And this frame of Shin Chae-ho on the history of Korea was similar to the historic frame of Liang qi chao as mentioned earlier.

한국형 HIV-1 백신 개발을 위한 HIV-1 nef와 vif 유전자의 컨센서스서열과 조상서열의 비교

박찬승(Chan Seung Park),김미숙(Mi Sook Kim),이현아(Hyun Ah Yi),이건명(Keon Myung Lee),김성수(Sung Soo Kim),이성덕(Sung Duk Lee),이찬희(Chan Hee Lee) 대한미생물학회 2006 Journal of Bacteriology and Virology Vol.36 No.4

식민지시기 다중적 표상으로서의 평양기생

박찬승 ( Chan Seung Park ) 한양대학교 동아시아문화연구소(구 한양대학교 한국학연구소) 2015 동아시아 문화연구 Vol.62 No.-

평양의 옛 관기(官妓)들과 기생서재(妓生書齋)에서 교육을 받은 새로운 기생들은 1910년대 초에 당국(경찰)의 지시로 기생조합을 조직하였다. 기생조합은 1920년에 기성권번으로 개칭되었다. 1910년대 초 30여 명에 지나지 않았던 평양 기생은 1920년대 말에는 160여 명으로 늘어났고, 1930년대 중반에는 3백 명 가까이 되었으며, 1937년에는 4백여 명으로 늘어났다. 1900년경부터 기생을 양성하고 있던 기생서재는 1914년에는 4개로 늘어났다. 이에 평양부와 경찰서는 1920년 이들을 모두 통합하여 기성권번에서 기생학교를 운영하도록 했다. 그 명칭은 기성권번 학예부, 평양기생양성소 등으로 바뀌었다. 학생수는 1920년에 이미 2백 명에 달했으며, 매년 70명 내지 80명이 졸업하였다. 이 가운데 평양에 남을 수 있는 졸업생은 20명 정도에 지나지 않았으며, 나머지 졸업생들은 경성을 비롯하여 타지로 떠났다. 이로 인해 평양 기생학교는 전국에서 유일한 기생양성소로서 그 명성이 높아졌다. 평양 기생학교에서는 전통적인 노래, 춤, 악기, 서화 등을 가르쳤다. 그리고 시대의 추세에 따라 일본어, 일본노래, 서양식 춤(댄스, 레뷰 등)까지도 가르쳤다. 일제 말기까지 평양 기생학교를 졸업한 이들은 약 2천5백 명 정도로 추산된다. 평양기생은 관광문화의 표상, 예능인의 표상, 섹슈얼리티의 표상 등으로 대중들에게 받아들여지고 있었다. 평양 기생이 이와 같이 다중적 이미지를 지니고 있었던 것은 당시 평양 기생들이 놓여 있던 현실과 밀접한 관련을 갖고 있었다. 당시 평양을 찾는 관광객들에게 평양기생학교 관람과 기생들과의 대동강에서의 뱃놀이는 빠뜨릴 수 없는 코스가 되었다. 그러나 평양 기생들은 그 수가 많아지면서 민족주의 계열의 언론과 청년회, 기독교계로부터 청년들을 유흥과 타락으로 이끄는 사회악이라는 신랄한 비판을 받기도 했다. 그러나 평양 기생들은 기생학교에서의 수업, 연주회, 대중가수로의 진출 등으로 인해 예능인으로서의 이미지를 강하게 갖고 있었다. 특히 1930년대 대중가수 가운데 평양 기생 출신들이 많았기 때문에 ‘평양기생은 예능인’이라는 인식이 강했다. 이와 같이 평양기생은 그 수가 많았고, 다채로운 예능도 겸하고 있었기 때문에 당시 조선 기생의 대명사가 될 수 있었다. The existing official Gisaengs and new Gisaengs trained in the Gisaeng schools in Pyeongyang formed the Gisaeng Johap (association) in the early 1910s. The name was changed to Gisaeng Gwonbeon (Female Entertainers` Union) in 1920. The number of Gisaengs in Pyeongyang, about 30 in the early 1910s, increased to about 160 in the late 1920s, to about 300 in the mid-1930s and to around 400 in 1937. The number of Gisaeng schools, which had trained Gisaengs from 1900, rose to 4 in 1914. The administration of Pyeongyang-bu and the Pyeongyang police station let the schools combined and to be operated by the Gisaeng Gwonbeon in 1920. The name of the schools changed to Gisaeng Gwonbeon Hagyebu (the department of arts) or Pyeongyang Gisaeng Yangseongso (Gisaeng Training School). The number of the students already reached 200 in 1920. Every year, 70-80 students graduated from the school. Among them, only 20 graduates were able to stay in Pyeongyang and the rest of them left to other cities including Gyeongseong (Seoul). Pyeongyang Gisaeng School became famous as the only training center of Gisaeng nationwide. Pyeongyang Gisaeng School taught traditional songs, dances, musical instruments playing and paintings and calligraphic works. Moreover, given the trends of the time, the school taught Japanese language, songs and western dances (dance, revue, etc.). The number of the graduates from Pyeongyang Gisaeng School was estimated at about 2,500 until the end of the Japanese colonialism. Pyeongyang Gisaengs had multiple images of a symbol of tourism, entertainers and prostitutes. Those images were closely related to the reality of Pyeongyang Gisaengs at that time. It was a must tour course for the tourists in Pyeongyang to look around Pyeongyang Gisaeng School and go boating with Gisaengs in the Daedonggang River. However some Pyeongang Gisaengs were clandestinely working as prostitutes. And with an increasing number of Gisaengs in Pyeongang, they were sharply criticized as a social evil that leads the young adults to pleasures and entertainment and corruption by nationalistic press, Youth Association and the Christian communities. However, Pyeongyang Gisaengs had the strong image as an entertainer as they were trained at Gisaeng School, held concerts and became pop singers. In particular, since many of the pop singers in the 1930s were former Pyeongyang Gisaengs, many people understood ‘Pyeongyang Gisaengs as entertainers.’ As Pyeongyang Gisaengs were large in number with diverse artistic talents, they became the byword for Gisaengs in Joseon.

일제지배 초기 대만과 조선의 지방제도 개편 비교

박찬승 ( Park Chan-seung ) 한양대학교 동아시아문화연구소(구 한양대학교 한국학연구소) 2021 동아시아 문화연구 Vol.85 No.-

1895년 대만을 합병한 일본은 대만총독부를 세운 뒤 대만의 지방제도 개편을 시작했다. 대만총독부는 대만의 지방제도를 3縣 1廳으로 개편했다. 1897년에는 이를 6縣 3廳으로 늘렸으며, 그 아래에 86개의 辨務署를 두었고, 다시 그 아래에 街·庄·社를 두었다. 辨務署는 전에는 전혀 없던 새로운 제도로 여러 개의 街·庄·社 위에 인위적으로 만들어진 행정기관이었다. 街·庄·社는 본래 자연촌락을 가리키는 것이었으나, 약 10개의 街庄社에 한 명의 街庄社長을 두어, 최하부 행정보조기관으로서의 성격을 갖게 되었다. 이로써 지방제도는 縣·廳-辨務署-街·庄·社의 3단계로 이어지는 형태를 띠게 되었다. 이는 1890년대 일본의 지방제도가 府·縣-郡-町村의 3단계로 되어 있던 것을 모방한 것이었다. 대만에서는 1901년 縣 제도를 폐지하고 辨務署를 확장하여 20개의 廳을 만들기로 하였다. 이후 1909년에는 20개 廳이 12개 廳으로 통합되었다. 이와 같은 廳-街·庄·社의 2단계 지방제도는 1909년 이후 廳 밑의 支廳의 권한과 위상이 강화되면서 사실상 廳-支廳-街庄社의 3단계로 다시 돌아갔다. 한편 조선에서는 1910년 설치된 조선총독부가 병합 직후 ‘面에 관한 규정’을 만들어 면에 국세징수, 호적작성 등 지방행정의 핵심적인 업무를 맡겼다. 이에 따라 조선에서 전통적으로 지방행정의 중심 역할을 해오던 郡은 소외되기 시작했다. 조선총독부는 1913년 ‘府制’를 실시하였다. 일본인이 다수 거주하던 옛 개항장과 개시장이 있던 곳이나 일본인이 많이 거주하는 도시를 중심으로 12개의 府를 설치하고, 府를 法人으로 하고 자문기구인 부협의회를 설치했다. 조선총독부는 1917년 ‘面制’를 추진하였는데, 일본 정부의 법제국은 面을 공공단체이자 법인으로 만드는 것을 거부했다. 결국 이 조항은 삭제되었다. 面의 법인화는 이루어지지 않았지만 사실상 준공공단체로 인정받았으며, 이후 面은 면 소유 재산을 늘리고, 자체 사업을 운영하고 세금 항목을 늘림으로써 재정을 크게 확대할 수 있었다. 이 시기 조선과 대만의 지방제도를 비교해보면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 지방제도 시스템에서 차이가 있었다. 즉 대만의 경우에는 3단계 제도를 하다가 2단계 제도로 바뀌고, 다시 3단계 제도로 돌아갔지만, 조선의 경우에는 계속 3단계 시스템을 유지했다. 둘째, 조선총독부 관리들은 1910년대 조선에서 府制와 面制를 실시했다. 그러나 대만총독부 관리들은 1910년대에 법인이나 공공단체의 성격을 지닌 지방제도를 굳이 추진하지 않았다. 셋째, 대만의 경우에는 지방행정과 경찰행정을 통합하여 운영했다. 반면에 조선의 경우에는 이를 분리하여 운영했고, 대신 헌병이 경찰 역할을 겸하는 헌병경찰제도를 만들었다. 넷째, 대만에서는 고다마 총독 시기에 고토 민정장관에 의해 전통적인 제도를 변용한 ‘보갑제도’가 도입되어 경찰과 행정의 보조기관이 되었다. 조선에서도 보갑제와 비슷한 오가작통제가 있었지만 제대로 작동해오지 않았기 때문에, 조선총독부는 이를 활용할 생각을 하지 않았다. Japan annexed Taiwan in 1895 and established the Japanese Government General of Taiwan and began to reorganize Taiwan’s local administrative system. In 1895, there were three fu (府) and one zhou (州) in Taiwan Province (臺灣省). The three fu and one zhou consisted of 11 xian (縣) and three ting (廳). Reorganized the local administrative system, the Japanese Government General of Taiwan changed three fu and one zhou to three xian and one ting. In 1897, the three xian and one ting were changed to six xian and three ting and 86 bianwushu (辨務署) offices were established under xian and ting. Jie (街), zhuang (庄), and she (社) were placed under bianwushu. Bianwushu office was a new administrative system. As a result, the local system took the form of being connected in three stages. Meanwhile, in 1901, it was decided in Taiwan that the xian system would be canceled and bianwushu would be expanded to 20 ting. Such two-level local administrative system was maintained until 1909. However, with the strengthening of the authority of zhiting (支廳) since 1909, it has effectively returned to a three-level system. Meanwhile, the Japanese Government General of Korea established in 1910 made “Myeon (面) offices” shortly after the Japan-Korea annexation and assigned to myeon key local administration affairs, such as collection of national taxes and family registry maintenance. The Japanese Government General of Korea also implemented the bu system (府制) in 1913. A total of 12 bu was established in old open ports and open cities with a large Japanese population, and bu was made a corporate body, which had a bu council, an advisory organ. The bu system in Korea was similar to the shi system (市制) in Japan in many ways. The Japanese Government General of Korea promoted the myeon system (面制) in 1917, and the Legislation Bureau of the Japanese government rejected the suggestion about making myeon a public agency and corporate body. In the end, myeon was practically recognized as a quasi public agency as it possessed property and operated its own business. Since then, myeon has been able to significantly expand their finances by increasing their own property, running their own businesses, and increasing tax items. A comparison of the local systems of Korea and Taiwan during this period is as follows. First, a three-stage system was introduced in 1897, and a two-stage system was implemented between 1901 and 1909 in Taiwan, but the three-stage system was maintained in Korea. Second, the officials of the Government General of Korea established the bu-system((府制) and the myeon-system(面制) in Korea in the 1910s. However, in the 1910s, officials of the Government General of Taiwan did not push forward with the local system with the characteristics of a corporation or a public organization. Third, in Taiwan, local administration and police administration were integrated and operated. On the other hand, in Korea, it was operated separately, and instead, in addition to the police, the military police also served as a police officer. Fourth, in Taiwan, during the period of the Governor General of Kodama, the ‘paochia system(保甲制),’ which utilized the traditional system, was introduced and became a subsidiary institution for the police and administration. In Korea, there was the ‘5-houses control system(五家作統制)’, but since it did not work properly, the Government General of Korea did not plan to use it.

식민지 조선 사회운동의 발전과 국제적 성격 : 1920년대를 중심으로

박찬승(Chan-Seung Park) 독립기념관 한국독립운동연구소 2006 한국독립운동사연구 Vol.0 No.26

한국의 근대국가 건설운동과 공화제

朴贊勝(Park Chan-seung) 역사학회 2008 역사학보 Vol.0 No.200

The western form of government was introduced in Korea through Chinese books in 1840s. It was not until 1880s that Korean people had a real understanding of constitutional monarchy system and democratic republic system. Until then absolute monarchy has been established in Korea and politicians of reformist group thought that people in Korea had a too low political awareness to maintain a republican form of government. The reformist group in Korea attempted to make a first step of constitutional monarchy by restraining the power of King Gojong, Gojong frustrated the reformists' plan by his flight from the palace in February, 1896. King Gojong became an Emperor by himself in 1897 and rather reinforced his power, Independence Club, the organization of enlightened citizens, resisted it. Independence Club made a plan to enlighten the public and to organize a rudimentary form of parliament. They wanted to gradually introduce constitutional monarchy in Korea but they were dismissed by Gojong in 1898 who even more strengthened his power then. Although the members of the society for study of constitutional government organized in 1905 planned to make Korea a constitutional monarchy, intellectuals did not expect that the democratic republic system would work in Korea. At that time most people in Korea had a low political awareness and no chances for school education. However some editorials of Korea Daily News asserted the necessity of establishing a nation state. Ahn Chang-ho also claimed in his public lectures that Koreans had to regain sovereignty. The turning point of the discussion on the forms of Korean government was the China revolution occurred in 1911. Some Korean intellectuals moved to Shanghai and met the Chinese revolutionists. Korean nationalists were convinced that they should establish a new nation in Korea as a democratic republic. Korean nationalists clarified the people's sovereignty through the declaration of the unity of Korean nationalists in 1917. In some leaflets distributed during the March First Movement in 1919, it was proposed that a provisional government of Korea needed to be established and it should be a democratic republic government. As the imperial governments in China, Germany and Russia were all collapsed in 1910s, Korean nationalist believed that democratic republic was the general tendency of the time. The provisional government of Korea formed in April 1919 adopted indeed a democratic republic system. Korean people finally chose the democratic republic system as a new national polity after the long discussions since 1880s.