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본 연구는 어린이공원에 대한 미시적 수준에서의 공급 및 수요 수준 분석을 통해 정교화된 수급적 정성 지표를 구축하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 먼저 서울시 전체 스케일에서 거시 지표를 이용해 연구 대상지로서 중랑구를 선정하였다. 해당 지역에 대한 수정된 Huff 모형을 이용해 공급지수를, 지역 내의 사회?경제적 변수들을 고려한 수요지수를 도출하였다. 두 지수를 바탕으로 수급적정성 지표를 정의하였으며, 지도화를 통해 수급적정성의 공간적인 분포와 변이를 분석 및 평가하였다. 분석 결과 어린이공원의 수요에 대해 단순 인구수보다 어린이 및 노인과 같은 실제 수요층의 행태가 더 중요한 변수로 작용하며, 어린이공원과 근린공원이 기능적으로 분리되어 있음을 밝혔다. 또한 수급적정성 지표의 시각화를 통해 사례지 내 수급이 가장 불량한 지역을 선별하였다. 본 연구는 향후 어린이공원 및 생활권공원에 대한 공급 정책과 가이드라인을 마련하는데 기여할 것으로 기대된다. This study aims to estimate the supply-demand propriety for the Children's Park through the micro-scale analysis. Jungnang-Gu as a case study object was selected on the basis of the macro indices for total population and urban park areas. The supply index for the case study area was developed by modified Huff-model and the demand index was made by a multiple regression model using socio-economic variables. The supply-demand propriety was defined, and its spatial distributions and local varieties were measured using cartography. This study found that the demand for the Children's Park was highly affected by the actual behavior of users including children and the aged. Also, the Children's Park was functionally separated from neighborhood parks. Through the visualization of the propriety index, poor areas related to the supply of Children's Park were selected. This study contributes to making policies and guidelines of future directions for the Children's Park.
The relationship between museum and society has been one of the most important subjects in the field of museology and art history. The new museology was an expression of such long concern but a critical approach to the established museology, which centered on the socio-ontological problems of museum rather than technical and methodological problems. ICOM's newest slogan “social harmony” is also a product of such an socioontological turn triggered by the new museology. By the way, what is new museology? How the new museology changed the relationship between museum and society? The New Museology(1989) edited by Peter Vergo has been generally understood as the declamation of new museology, but the range of new museology is not limited to this one origin or practice but includes multiple and interdisciplinary thoughts and practices all around the world. So I intended to revisit the new museology with various approaches and practices that I interpreted with three kinds; first, museum as social metaphor characterized by the expansion of market principle, second, the ubiquity of museum power which penetrates everywhere through the sociopolitics of gaze, especially with Tony Bennett's Foucauldian museum visitor studies and Barbara Kirshenblatt-Gimblett's concept of museum effect from anthropological approach, third, new museology as a social movement that has been actively discussed in Latin America and created new community-based museum models. I think the recent ICOM's slogan“ social harmony” is the mixed product of those different new museologies, and so it has no choice but to including conflicting and inconsistent issues within itself. Therefore, I think we have to scrutinize those complex new museological practices because we live in the age when the social engagement of museum is demanded more intensively than ever before and the raison d'etre of museum will be located in the social relationship more and more. This literature is a kind of introduction for such a scrutinizing and needs a lot of follow-up studies, for example, the community-based new museologies that is more important contemporary issue than anything else, which will open up interdisciplinary areas between museology and art history.
Yatgalig(ятгалиг, 押琴, 亞琴, 軋箏), which is a string instrument in Mongolia, is described as a bowed stringed zither with 7 strings or 10 strings by Mongolian scholars, but does not exist. As this study is a reconsideration on precedents and instrument types in Yatgalig as Mongolian instrument, it surveyed and researched into musical instrument kinds of yatag(ятга, 雅托?, 蒙古箏) in Mongolia and Mongols in China. As a result, its record was found between Mongolia and Mongols in China even up to the early 20th century. There was a discussion that Yatgalig as a bowed stringed zither in Mongol is the musical instrument in the same kinds of China's yazheng(牙箏 or 軋?) and Korea's Ajaeng(牙箏). This musical instrument was now disconnected a transmission in China and Mongol except Korea, which is succeeding to court music in Joseon Dynasty(朝鮮王朝). As its factor is caused by a social historical convulsion, it results from a historical context in Mongolia and China, which had suppressed Buddhism with being disappeared the imperial family or the nobility. A bowed stringed zither in zither type like Ajaeng(Korean bowed stringed zither) is existing and being transmitted uniquely in Korea out of Asia. But Mongol's Yatgalig and China's yazheng(牙箏) vanished due to the common notion dubbed sacred Buddhist instrument in people amidst a social historical upheaval and to a cause called court instrument.
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이 논문은 고려자기의 미적 가치가 형성되는 과정을 살펴봄으로써, 순수미술의 신화와 박물관의 정치학이 식민지 지배라는 정치적 상황속에서 작동하는 방식을 고찰한 것이다. 이 과정은 성역이었던 고분들의 ‘도굴'로 ‘고려자기 열광'이 발생하고 이왕가박물관이라는 제도가 설립되었던 점을 출발점으로 한다. ‘고려자기 열광'은 일본 컬렉터들의 다도 취미와 고미술품 수집이라는 문화적 맥락에서 발생해, 이왕가박물관을 통해 식민지 지배를 정당화하는 문화적 논리 산출에 기여했다. 그 대표격인 ‘조선예술쇠망론'은 조선(예술)의 쇠망과 일본이 조선(예술)의 보호자가 될 수밖에 없는 필연성을 주장했다. 이 ‘조선예술쇠망론' 속에서 ‘고려자기'가 ‘조선예술의 정화'로 자리잡은 것은, ‘고려자기'가 일본적 ‘전통'인 ‘다도 취미'의 맥락 내에 수렴되었기 때문이다. 이는 이왕가박물관이 일본인 지배계급의 미적 취향에 공인된 문화적 가치를 부여하고 보증해 주는 기능 또한 담당했음을 의미한다. 이에 대해 아사카와나 야나기 등이 조선자기의 미적 가치를 주장하면서 지식인 부르주아 계급의 고유한 미적 가치를 수립한 점이나, 고려자기를 조선 민족의 ‘소유'로 회수한다는 대의 아래 행해진 간송 전형필의 수집은, 이왕가박물관이 창출해 낸 ‘조선예술쇠망론'이나 ‘보호자'로서의 정당성을 상대화했다. 이는 당시 고려자기라는 ‘전통'이 완결된 형태로 존재했던 것이 아니라, 고려자기의 미적 가치 및 수집을 둘러싼 당대의 경합을 통해서 끊임없이 충돌과 조정에 직면해야 했던 일종의 복합물이었음을 시사해 준다. 그러나 식민지 관료들에 의해 운영된 이왕가박물관은 이러한 경합의 과정을 상쇄시키는 힘이자, 고려자기에 내포된 복합적인 의미들에 접근하는 것을 차단하는 장치로 기능했다. 즉, 고려자기에 관한 미적 가치가 식민지 지배 논리와 강하게 유착됨으로써, 이왕가박물관은 복수의 이질적인 미학들이 박물관 내에서 경합을 벌이는 장으로 기능할 수 없었던 것이다. 여기에 이왕가박물관의 정치학의 핵심이 있으며, 당시 연이은 사설미술관들의 설립은 이를 반증해 주는 현상이었다. Goryojagi(the porcelain of Goryo Period) became Art and a new "tradition" through tomb-raiding and Yiwanga Museum(Royal Museum of Yi Dynasty) in the colonial period of Korea. Chasyumi(Japanese taste for tea) gave birth to Goryojagi-mania within Japanese high circles in colonial Korea. Goryojagi-mania contributed to produce the cultural rhetoric rationalizing colonialism, by constructing the "theory of perishment of Korean art" and making the image of Japan as a protector of Korean tradition and art. Within this theory, Goryojagi was ranked as "the flower of Korean art" because it was incorporated into the context of Chasyumi Japanese "tradition". But Asakawa Noritaka and Yanagi Muneyoshi insisted the artistic value of Joseonjagi(the porcelain of Joseon Period) over that of Goryojagi. Also, Gansong Jeon-hyungpil, the biggest Korean art collector, collected a large number of Goryojagis to retrieve Korean people"s own proprietary right to it. Both played a role relativatizing Japanese self-justification as protector and the "theory of perishment of Korean art". This means that the "tradition" of Goryojagi was not a completed one but a kind of hybrid or process. But the ritual of museum, making objects under colonial domination into Art, was the power checking the access to the hybridous meaning of Goryojagi. The core of politics of Yiwanga Museum was the very close relationship between colonial domination and the ritual of Art.
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呂祖謙、眞德秀、金履祥皆身為理學家,本乎儒道,文章宗經。但依其編選宗旨及其編選標準不同,其被選的作品作家自異。呂祖謙奉聖旨編選的『宋文鑒』專取有益治道者,收作品以及文體可謂賅備。『古文關鍵』是為文而作,博取古文家之文。眞德秀『文章正宗』具有較農的理學色彩,雖分“辭命”、“議論”、“敘事”、“詩賦”四科,欲明學者識文辭源流之正,但不免為文辭而作之嫌。金履祥『濂洛風雅』依風雅正變,首次專取共同宗祖的“濂洛”學派的文章,欲譜婺學。因此,金履祥以卷首專設“濂洛風雅圖”來彰顯其學統,排列作品順序亦是。故至金履祥『濂洛風雅』始脫于文學性的選本,其意義在於首次匯集濂洛學派之詩文作品來重新樹立學統。 LÜ Zu-Qian, ZHEN De-Xiu, and JIN Lü-Xiang are all renowned Neo-Confucianists duringthe Song Dynasty. Their viewpoint on literature was built on Confucianism's Tao and theyconsidered sentences from Liu Jing canon for their sentence structuring. Yet there aredifferences in compilations they made regarding selection of literatures and writers based ontheir selection criteria.LÜ Zu-Qian's Song Wen Jian contained various works and writing styles, adhering to theemperor's order to select sentences that would do good for politics. However, hiscompilation is criticized for lack of coherence. His another compilation Gu Wen Guan Jianmainly consists of sentences of archaic prose writers, holding true to its purpose of guide tosentence structuring. Taken together, overarching characteristics of LÜ's compilations arepurpose of guide to sentence building.ZHEN De-Xiu viewed sentence as part of academic pursuit, and argued that literatureshould identify sages' findings and teachings. And it should be practically useful for thecountry, not merely a talk for talking's sake. Holding true to such belief, ZHEN compiledWen Zhang Zheng Zong by dividing the compilation into four sections: CiMing (purpose),YiLun (exchange of opinion), XuShi (launch work) and ShiFu (verse and prose) in a bid toteach readers for what the right kind of literature works is. This book, albeit strongerphilosophical thought of Neo-Confucianism of the Song Dynasty compared to LÜ'scompilations, is mainly intended as a guide to creation of literature.JIN Lü-Xiang's Lian Luo Feng Ya, the first compilation of poems written byNeo-Confucianists of the Song Dynasty contains the Lian Luo School's poems and proses toidentify the school's origin and scholastic mantles. JIN put his painting Lian Luo Feng Ya Tuon the first page to demonstrate his academic tradition as a successor of Zhu Xi, andarranged literature works in the order of this. It has an implication as the first compilationof the Song's Neo-Confucianists' poems that abstracted poems created by figures of theLian Luo School and reestablished line of the Lian Luo School, a big move from traditionalframework of compilation for traditional literatures.
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This study investigated the secular trend of anthropometric parameters of 2,153 high school students in one urban and one rural area in Korea. The cross-sectional data was collected in 1996 and 2005 in Seoul and Gyung-gi province. As a result, the height of boys has increased by 2㎝, whereas the weight has increased by 6.3㎏ from 1996 to 2005. By contrast, those parameters, including height or weight, did not change in girls. The prevalence of obesity has been more than doubled from 9.3% in 1996 to 20.5% in 2005 in boys; while that of girls was almost same for the same period (1998, 11.1%; 2005, 11.4%). In particular, the greater increase of obesity among boys was found in urban, which implicates the importance of environmental factor in determining weight gains among adolescents. This result emphasizes that the tailored intervention is strongly warranted, in particular among boys residing in urban area.
Recently, as the construction industry has become larger, more complex, and more sophisticated, efficient use of construction information has become important. Therefore, BIM (Building Information Modeling) is introduced to improve the limitations and problems of existing 2D drawing work, integrating information using 3D information technology, and carrying out complete construction work. In order to achieve this, a common promise is required between each stage and each field of the building work, and a detailed plan for establishing Building information level (BIL) as a whole viewpoint and sharing and utilizing concrete information among the respective bodies is needed. In this study, the BIM-based building process is established by establishing the Building information level reflecting the design process according to the domestic situation. The scope of the study is centered on the design stage and clearly defined division of labor and environment In order to improve the quality of life.
Yi Dynasty Museum is known to have been established for the purpose of making Sunjong, the king of Joseon, feel 'taste' at his everyday life. But the meaning of 'taste' written in Japanese is dubious either because it is not the familiar usage in Korean or because the political situation was very complicated for the threatening of imperialist Japan in that period Without the political context of that period, therefore, it cannot be understood correctly. This research is intended to investigate how the status of that museum changed accordingly, what relationship between the change and 'taste' was established, and what spectrum of meaning the conception of 'taste' had within the cultural discourses and practices in that period It will reveal how the Westem aesthetic conceptions such like 'taste' were used as dominating instruments by imperialist Japan. To begin with, since established as a part of royal garden in 1909, Yi Dynasty Museum changed its name to Changyeongwon Museum after the name of the location, and then to Yi Dynasty (Private) Museum at the moment of the annexation of Joseon by imperialist Japan. This change is deeply associated with the deprivation of political and financial power from d1e royal family of Joseon And it was paralleled by the aestheticization of royal palace, which caused to take royal palace not as the centre of political practices in Joseon but as an an work displayed in museum. Ultimately, this display of the everyday life of royal family as well as the palace itself contributed to exhibit colonial domination as a business of civilization. So it can be thought that the purpose of that museum, which would make Sunjong feel 'taste', was a nominal, and never long-lasting alibi for disguising the imperialist mastery of Japan. Moreover, the range of people enjoying the 'taste' was not limited to the royal family, and rather, from the beginning was planned to encompass the public whether they are Korean or Japanese. Japanese colonialists thought that there was no 'taste' with regard to earnest and noble-minded entertainments in Joseon, and so desired to establish cultural facilities such as public gardens, libraries, music halls, museLU11S, etc. This is because they thought of 'taste' as the expression of civilized status, and as the criterion which differentiates between Japan and Joseon at the same time manifests the gap between before and after the domination of Japan. In a word, this plan to make Kyeongseong the capital of colonial Joseon tasteful was not only for the practical problem to tempt Japanese immigrants to the new territory Joseon, but for training the museum visitors of Joseon as an obedient nation through museum and Japanese 'taste' such like the enjoyment of cheny blossom. This Japanese taste was showed as no other than the modem and fashionable taste of civilized man. In addition, one of the principal function of Yi Dynasty Museum was connected with the tourism into Colonial Joseon, which was expected to contribute to improve Japan's international balance of payments. The fundamental quality of tourism to Joseon was as same as that of museum established in Joseon on the ground that Both of them were subordinate to the goal demonstrating the progress of Joseon after the domination of Japan. Therefore it is possible to say that the tourism to colonial Joseon was another expression of imperial 'taste.' It depended on the idea that Imperialist Japan was the protector and conservator of the traditional culture of Joseon as well as Joseon itself. Yi Dynasty Museum was the symbolic monument of that imperialist idea. and was considered as though it had been an essence of Jose on tourism with drawing up guidelines on that colonial tourism for Japanese and Western tourists, The objects displayed in that museum were, consequently, incorporated into the national culture of Japan through the politics of 'taste' conspired with Yi Dynasty Museum.
이 글은 일본에서 행해지고 있는 문화정책 연구의 일단을 소개하면서, 문화정책 연구에 대한 인문학적 접근의 필요성을 고찰해보려는 데 목적이 있다. 일반적으로‘문화정책'에 대한 접근 방식은‘문화'보다는‘정책'쪽에 초점을 맞춤으로써, ‘문화정책'이라는 문제 틀이 전제로 삼거나 제시하고 있는‘문화'개념에 대한 반성적 인식이 상대적으로 소외되고, 기존의 상식화된‘문화'개념들을‘정책'의 대상으로 의심 없이 사용해온 경향이 강하다. 일본의 경우, 이러한 경향은 1960년대 후반부터 본격화되어 현재까지 지속되고 있다고 말할 수 있는데, 이 과정에서‘문화정책'은 다이내믹하고 비균질적인 복수의‘문화'들을 선별적으로 재가공, 평균화해왔다고 할 수 있다. 이러한 상황과 관련해 문화정책 연구가 당면 정책과제들에 대해 직접적이고‘실용적인'기여를 하는 데 그치지 않고, ‘문화정책'의 존재 방식과‘문화정책'이 가공해내는‘문화'에 대해 비판적 긴장을 유지하기 위해서는 어떻게 해야 할까? 이러한 질문이‘인문학'고유의 문제 설정 방식이라 했을 때, 이러한 질문을 문화정책 연구와 연관지어 문화정책 연구의 가능성과 한계에 대해 생각해보려는 것이 이 글의 목적이다. 최근 일본에서 행해지고 있는 문화정책 연구 스펙트럼에는 이러한 인문학적 접근이 하나의 축을 형성하고 있다. 이 글은 일본에서의 문화정책 연구의 지평을 개괄한 뒤, 그 안에서 인문학적 접근이 실제로 행해지는 방식을 검토하고, 거기에서 노출되는 한계점과 과제를‘현대'문화예술 생산자의 위치와‘납세자 주권'문제에 초점을 맞춰 논의한 것이다. This paper is to introduce part of cultural policy studies in Japan, and to think about the approach to cultural policy studies from a humanities perspective. Generally speaking, the approach to cultural policy studies focused less on culture than on policy. By doing that, the reflexive recognition of the concept of culture, which cultural policy regarded as its precondition or tried to reconceptualize repeatedly, has been relatively isolated, and at the same time the established concept of culture circulated as common sense, has been exclusively used by cultural policy. In the case of Japan, we can say that such a tendency started in the latter half of the 1960s and continued until the present, and in the process, Japanese cultural policy selectively remanufactured dynamic and heterogeneous cultures and normalized them. Under these conditions, what do we have to do to maintain critical tension with cultural policy and the concept of culture manufactured by cultural policy, beyond contributing to the present cultural policy directly and practically? If it is possible to regard such a question as the only perspective of the humanities, the purpose of this paper is to think about the possibility and limitations of cultural policy studies connecting such questions with cultural policy studies. This kind of perspective has emerged in recent cultural policy studies in Japan. So I, after summing up the scope of cultural policy studies in Japan, investigated approaches to cultural policy studies practiced by a humanities perspective in Japan, and argued its limitations, especially focusing on the place of contemporary producers of art and culture, and on the problem of taxpayer sovereignty.