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박상익 한국밀턴학회 1995 중세근세영문학 Vol.5 No.-
Milton's Areopagitica is often cited as the Magna Carta of free thought. In fact, the subject of Areopagitica is the freedom of expression. On occasion, however, Milton himself was assigned the task of licenser. At the start of Cromwell's rule in 1649, he was appointed Latin secretary to the Council of State, a position he held until the fall of the Protectorate 11 years later. It is in that bureaucratic role that Milton muzzled Catholic writings and condemned Catholics. Indeed, J. Herbert Altschull pointed that Milton the poet, the lover of liberty, could also be Milton the bureaucrat, the enemy of free expression. He asserted that Milton was unable to bridge the gap between abstract principle and concrete behavior, a dilemma that has vexed so many thinkers before and after. Milton's anti-popery, however, was not emerged for the first time after his bureaucratic career begun. His anti-popery was expressed already in 1644, in Areopagitica itself. In short, he was persistent on that point and his position was not in a dilemma. Milton's anti-popery reflected a widespread Protestant viewpoint. His attitude was not differ from the one held by most other thoughtful English Protestant of the seventeenth century, including tolerant men as John Locke. Many in the seventeenth century believed the end of the world was imminent. Like many puritans, Milton believed himself to be living in a remarkable age, a new age, the last age. He believed that one nation would lead the others during the millennium and be the seat of Christ's empire. Milton knew that that nation would be England, and so her history was the history of election; as illustrated by the fact that Wyclif had been English, and the Spanish Armada had been so providentially scattered. He had the dream of the millennium and the exalted conception of Britain's place in the divine plan. In this millennial paradigm, the Roman papacy was to be identified with Antichrist, whose overthrow was a necessary prelude to the coming of Christ's kingdom. The Protestant Reformation was an important part of Milton's identity. His millennialism and faith in England's election is related to her intellectual leadership in the entire course of the Protestant Reformation which was yet to be completed. England's role in the Reformation was for Milton a point of particular pride, and he firmly believed that England has been chosen to complete the Reformation. In this sense Milton's nationalism could be referred to as the puritan nationalism. His anti-popery was a symbolic means to accomplish it.
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박상익 사단법인 한국평화연구학회 2009 평화학연구 Vol.10 No.3
The Lee Myung-bak government’s North Korea policy is attributable to the evaluation that the engagement policy towards the North for the past decade did not work well at inducing a fundamental change in Pyongyang. From this point of view, the Lee government professed to approach inter-Korean relations in general-normal relationship, getting rid of its predecessor’s standpoint that the relations were deemed to be a special relationship. In this context, even if the direction of North Korea policy retains the existing tone of engagement to a certain extent, the government seems to have adopted strict reciprocity based on ‘resolution of nuclear issues first and economic co-operation later’ instead of unconditional support, taking a long-term view in prompting change in the North. In order to achieve the co-existence and co-prosperity policy and ‘denuclearization-openness-3000’toward the North, however, it is time for the Lee government to shift its tactics to the improvement of inter-Korean relations from the current ‘neglect’ and ‘strategic waiting’ policies. As the most important party in inter-Korean relations is Pyongyang, a North Korea policy much differentiated from those of previous governments makes it difficult to maintain momentum in relations. For continuity of the governments, the policy should be gradually differentiated and kept flexible rather than being based on strict reciprocity. The Lee government should avoid further confusion and adhere to sincere dialogue with the North, and lead relations with flexible pragmatism separating politics and economics. This will be necessary for the government to be in a better position to control Pyongyang under a post-Kim Jung-il regime, externally, economically and operationally. The macroscopic perspective is also required while aiming at economic stabilization, peace settlement on the Korean peninsula, and securing South Korea’s voice and role on the issues of the Korean peninsula in the international community, which results from strengthening inter-Korean relations. North Korea, on the other hand, should comply with the South’s proposal for earnest dialogue; take a pragmatic and productive stance abandoning obsolete and old-fashioned values such as defaming and threatening propaganda or agitation in its comments and statements, freezing out the South by the improvement of North-US relations, and inciting the South-South conflict; and should acknowledge that, practically speaking, Seoul can help Pyongyang make a triumphal change into a strong and prosperous state by 2012. In order to actively and realistically cope with the changing situation surrounding the Korean Peninsula, the South should not wait for the North’s change but first create a favorable environment and mull over means and processes towards its goal of making Pyongyang change itself. Rather than a change from the top that is concentrated on ‘denuclearization and openness’, now, a strategic conversion is essential to change from the bottom: promotion of inter-Korean exchange and co-operation, expansion of information circulation, and facilitation of markets. 이명박정부의 상생․공영의 대북정책은 남북관계의 미래와 비전으로 북한의 변화, 상생과 공영의 남북관계 발전, 한반도 평화통일의 실질적 토대 구축을 제시하였다. 대북정책의 추진원칙으로 실용과 생산성, 원칙에 철저하되 유연한 접근, 국민합의, 국제협력과 남북협력의 조화가 설정되었다. 특히, 이명박정부는 「비핵․개방․3000」을 통해 북핵 폐기에 진전이 있을 경우, 국제사회와 협조하여 경제, 생활 향상 등 대북 5대 프로젝트를 추진해서 10년 내 북한주민 1인당 소득이 3000 달러 수준의 경제에 이르도록 돕겠다는 대북전략이다. 그러나 북한은 이명박 정부의「비핵․개방․3000」과 상생․공영의 대북정책이 표명정책과 달리 북한 ‘급변사태론’ 또는 ‘붕괴론’에 근거한 것이 아니냐는 것이다. 즉 이명박정부는 북한의 체제 내구력 문제에 강조점을 두고 북한의 굴복을 요구하겠다는 접근을 지속하고 있는 것으로 보여 지고 있는 것이다. 북한이「비핵․개방․3000」을 비판하는 요지는 남한 주도의 북한경제 발전 계획에 대한 원론적인 반발과 함께「비핵․개방․3000」이 제시하는 각종 계획안이 결국 북한체제의 근본적 변화를 의미한다는 점에서 체제 붕괴용으로 의심하고 있기 때문이다. 따라서 이명박정부가 김정일 정권과 남북관계를 진전시키려면 과거 합의문에 대한 이행의지가 전제돼야 한다. 이명박 정부가 말 그대로 ‘실용정부’라면 6․15공동선언과 10․4선언의 이행을 먼저 선언하고,「비핵․개방․3000」과 관련된 사업을 우선 추진하다가 새로운 합의를 만들어서 이명박정부의 철학에 맞는 사업을 추진하면 될 것이다. 6․15공동선언과 10․4선언의 이행과정에서 남북관계의 개선은 물론 북한을 정상국가로 추동할 수도 있을 것이다. 또한 6․15공동선언과 10․4선언이 전면 이행된다고 해도 예산 등이 수반되는 사항은 국회를 통하여 충분한 여과기능(filtering)이 작동될 수 있을 것이기 때문이다. 남북관계에서 가장 중요한 상대는 북한이므로 기존정부와 차별성이 큰 대북정책은 남북관계에서 모멘텀(momentum) 유지를 어렵게 만든다. 정부의 연속성을 위해서도 엄격한 상호주의보다는 유연성을 유지하면서 차별성을 높여가야 할 것이다. 남북관계가 개선됨으로써 경제에 긍정적으로 작용하는 안정 효과, 한반도 평화정착 효과, 국제사회에서의 한반도 문제에 관한 한국의 발언권과 역할 확보 기능 등의 거시적 안목이 필요하다. 변화하는 한반도 정세에 능동적, 주도적, 실사구시적 대응을 위해서 북한의 변화를 기다릴 것이 아니라, 북한이 변화의 길로 나올 수 있도록 먼저 여건을 조성해주고 견인하는데 목표수단과 과정에 대해 보다 면밀한 고민이 있어야 한다.「비핵․개방」에 경도된 위로부터의 변화보다는, 남북교류협력 증진, 정보유통 확대, 시장화 촉진 등 아래로부터의 변화를 위한 전술적 전환이 필요한 때이다.
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