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문창주 성균관대학교 사회과학연구소 1970 社會科學 Vol.9 No.1
1. The aim of this essay is to examine appropriate pattern of our own approach to U.N. to achieve the goal of unification in the face of North Korea's strategy and the U.N.'s changing structure of influence by analizing the correlation of the internal and international factors that may affect the unification and establishment of one indepent tend democratic government of Korea. 2. If we analyze the ups and downs in the progress of the discussion within the U.N. since the Korean problem was introduced, in the international situation surrounding Korea after liberation and up to the present day, there has been a continuous expansion in the direction of U.S. -Soviet peaceful coexistence based on the Yalta agreement. The problem of Korea's unification can not be regarded as separate from the Yalta agreement. This has been proved either in the course of progress on the discussion of the Korean problem within the U.N. or in the expansion of change of the international situation outside of the U.N. 3. While denying the authority and competence of the U.N. concerning the Korean problem, North Korea attempted to unify Korea by military force. It also denied the youth Korean government's legitimacy from inside and outside the U.N. and maneuvered to check the development of our government. Recently Nixon's world strategy calls for a shift from 2 1/2 strategy, to the 1 1/2 strategy and the continuance of peaceful coexistence with Russia. The Nixon Doctrine also calls for the establishment of peaceful coexistence with Red China, and as a result we have witnessed the appearance of the height of North Korea's military provocation on the Korean Peninsula. In the decade of the 1960's, from the time of the U.N's 15th General Assembly session to its 24th, within the U.N. there took place a saturation of communist countries and newly independent Afro-Asian states professing neutralism. North Korea, with the backing of these allies and the Soviet Union, managed the submittal of bills for simultaneous unconditional representation for North and South Korea; for the withdrawal of foreign troops from South Korea; for the dissolution of UNCURK; and for a cessation of all discussion on the Korean Problem. The position of South Korea was thus put at a disadvantage by these diplomatic fabrications. North Korea, Soviet Russia, and the nonaligned countries insisted upon the principle of equal representation for both parties in the discussion of all the problems involved all this from a so-called theoretical base. South Korea made an appeal for discussion of the Korean problem and an end to the aversion shown by the non-aligned countries. This plea has again and again proven to be in effective. Therefore, we can all agree that the solution of the Korean problem must be solved outside of and not within the U.N.. On the other side of the issue, the North Korean dictatorship of Kim Il Sung can profitably fabricate a falase image of his country's internal and external standing. We can judge the situation in this way, or we can say that North Korea is also trying to achieve unification within the confines of the U.N. through a new series of guidelines for unification-all this via Red China's entrance into the U.N. 4. From South Korea's point of view, at the 23rd session of the U.N. General Assembly, as we offered our most recent annually automatic introduction of the Korean Problem, this state of affairs can no longer be tolerated. Recently, the 16 countries which participated in the Korean War show a tendency to pursue the middle-of-road foreign policy. The discussion of the Korean problem in the U.N. is something like a diplomatic cold war, and therefore the time has come when we must be prepared for. restructuring of U.N. policy taking into account the present situation that the issue of the Korean unification is considered as an American item at the U.N. by non-aligned countries_ We must cooperate with the U. S. as the foremost friendly democratic nation, along with that restructure our posture of capability within the international sphere, and show ourselves capable of democratic political harmony both within and without. We must cultivate superior strength and capability over North Korea, and then we can make the moment ripe for achievement of unification by reshaping the international situation.
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문창주,박대하,박성진,백두권 한국정보과학회 2003 정보과학회논문지 : 시스템 및 이론 Vol.30 No.12
RBAC is accepted as a more advanced control method than existing DAC and MAC. Studies on the permission-role part of RBAC model are relatively insufficient compared with those on the user-role part, and researches on symmetric RBAC models to overcome this is also in an incipient stage. Therefore there is much difficulty in assigning permissions suitable for roles.This paper proposes an symmetric RBAC model that supplements the constraints on permission assignment set forth by previous studies. The proposed symmetric RBAC model reflects the conflicts of interests between roles and the sharing and integration of permissions on the assignment of permissions by presenting the constraints on permission assignment that take the separation of duties and role hierarchies into consideration. In addition, by expressing constraints prescribing prerequisite relations between dynamic permissions through AND/OR graphs, it is possible to effectively limit the complicated prerequisite relations of permissions. The constraints on permission assignment for the proposed symmetric RBAC model reduce errors in permission assignment by properly detailing rules to observe at the time of permission assignment. RBAC은 기존의 DAC과 MAC보다 진보된 접근 통제 방법으로 받아들여진다. RBAC 모델의 권한-역할 부분은 사용자-역할 부분에 비해 상대적으로 연구가 부족하며 이를 극복하기 위한 대칭 RBAC 모델에 대한 연구도 시작 단계이다. 따라서 역할에 적합한 권한을 배정 하는데 많은 어려움이 있다.본 논문에서는 기존 연구들에서 제시한 권한 배정 제약조건들을 보완한 대칭형 RBAC 모델을 제안한다. 제안한 대칭형 RBAC 모델은 임무분리와 역할의 계층구조를 고려한 권한 배정 제약조건을 제시함으로써 역할의 이해관계 충돌과 권한의 공유와 통합을 권한배정에 반영하고 있다. 또한, AND/OR 그래프를 통해 동적인 권한간의 선행관계를 규정하는 제약조건을 표현함으로써 권한들의 복잡한 선행관계를 효과적으로 제한할 수 있다. 제안한 대칭형 RBAC 모델의 권한 배정 제약조건들은 권한 배정시 지켜야하는 규칙들을 적절히 명세함으로써 권한 배정의 오류를 감소시킨다.
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정보통신 미수채권 대책방안-제도적장치엔 한계, 결국 이용자 마음에 달려
문창주,Mun, Chang-Ju 한국정보통신집흥협회 1995 정보화사회 Vol.92 No.-
정보통신 미수대책에 있어서 획기적인 '제도적'방안이라는 것은 존재 할 수 없다. 그 까닭은 정보통신 미수채권과 같은 정보화시대의 문제는 그런 첨단서비스를 이용하는 사용자들의 의식이 근본적으로 개혁되지 않고는 완전히 해결될 수 없을 것이기 때문이다. 다시말해 정보통신 미수채권대책방안이라는 '하부구조'와 정보화시대에 걸맞는 사회적 의식이라는 '상부구조'가 맞물려져야 해결될 수 있다는 '중층적구조'로 파악하는 발상의 전환이 시급하다고 하겠다.
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