한국 속 태류(泰流)현상의 배경과 현황

김홍구(Kim Hong-koo) 한국태국학회 2009 한국태국학회논총 Vol.15 No.2

입헌군주제하에서의 태국국왕의 카리스마(charisma)와 정치적 역할: 푸미폰 국왕을 중심으로

김홍구 ( Hong Koo Kim ) 한국태국학회 1998 한국태국학회논총 Vol.7 No.-

In the modem constitutional monarchy, King is a merely national symbol without political power. As examples, we can consider the Queen and the Emperor in England and Japan. But the present monarch in Thailand, King Bhumibol Adulyadej has political roles in his kingdom. We analyze reasons why his political role is possible in the Thai modem constitutional monarchy. Actually we analyze two factors which are related to his personal character and the second is political situation. The first one is his charismatic character. His charismatic character includes a capability to be Dhammaraja for the welfare of the governed and make them believe that he can overcome the national crisis. But the charismatic character does not provide the necessary condition for his political role. As the second factor, we can consider Thai political situation. This situational factor includes a decrease in the legitimacy of old traditional patterns of authority and the existence of relatively underdeveloped rational-legal political institutions. Since 1932 coup shifting absolute monarchism to constitutional monarchism, the Thai participatory political institutions such as political parties and parliaments has not institutionalized. Under these circumstances the King has taken political roles as a legitimizer strengthing the weak polity. Moreover, Thai Principles (king, nation, religion} and Royal Development Projects made the routinization of his charisma. As far as Thai Principles and Royal Development Projects are available, his charisma will continue but his political role will be reduced according to the rational-legal political institutions development.

태국 2016: 푸미폰 국왕의 서거와 정치·경제적 불확실성

김홍구 ( Kim Hong Koo ),이미지 ( Lee Mi Ji ) 한국동남아학회 2017 동남아시아연구 Vol.27 No.2

이 글의 목적은 2016년 한 해 동안 태국의 정치·경제·외교 분야의 주요 특징과 변화를 살펴보고 평가하는 것이다. 구체적으로 2016년 가결된 새 헌법에 대해 살펴보고, 새 헌법을 둘러싼 정치 세력간 대립과 군사정권의 동향, 새 국왕의 즉위에 따른 정치적 불안정성을 검토했다. 그리고 군사정권 하의 태국 경제와 대외관계의 변화, 한국과의 관계를 파악하고, 푸미폰 국왕의 서거가 정치·경제적으로 미치는 영향과 향후 전망을 제시하고자 했다. 2016년 태국정치는 민정이양이 한걸음 진전됨과 동시에 권위주의적 체제를 위한 발판이 마련된 한 해였다. 민주적이라고 할 수 없는 새 헌법 초안이 국민투표를 통과하면서, 총선 후에도 군부의 지속적인 정치 개입이 가능하게 되었다. 특히 이번 새 헌법은 단순히 탁씬파 정당의 견제에 머물지 않고, 정당정치 권력 자체를 축소시키면서 군부와 정당과의 지속적인 갈등이 예상되고 있다. 이러한 상황 속에서 정치적 안정에 결정적 역할을 해왔던 푸미폰 국왕의 부재와 새국왕의 즉위는 정치불안을 가속화 시킬 우려를 낳고 있다. 쿠데타후 지속되고 있는 정정불안은 대외관계에도 영향을 미쳤다. 태국은 현 군사정권을 인정하지 않는 미국과 EU를 비롯한 서방국가와는 거리를 두고, 대신 중국과 급속도로 긴밀한 우호관계를 유지하고 있다. 한편 2016년 태국경제는 큰 폭으로 성장하기 보다는 점진적인 회복세를 보였다. 푸미폰 국왕의 서거가 경제에 미치는 직접적인 영향은 개인 소비와 관광 등에 한정적으로 나타나고 있으며, 경제 침체를 가져오지는 않을 것으로 보인다. 그러나 민정이양을 위한 총선을 앞두고 정치적 대립이 격화되면 경제 위기를 피할 수 없을 것이다. The purpose of this study is to examine and assess the major characteristics and changes of politics, economy, and diplomacy in Thailand in 2016. Specifically, it reviewed the New Constitution that was passed in 2016, the confrontation between different political forces and the trend of military regime around the New Constitution, and the political instability caused by the accession of the new king to the throne. This study also set out to figure out changes to the economy and foreign relations of the country, including its relations with South Korea, under the military regime and make predictions for the impact and future prospects of King Bhumibol Adulyadej`s death on the politics and economy of the country. In 2016, the politics of Thailand took a step further toward the transfer of power to civil government and established a foundation for an authoritarian system. The draft of the New Constitution, which does not seem to be democratic, was approved by a referendum and enabled the military authorities to continue their political interventions, even after the general election. The New Constitution, in particular, reduces the power of political parties itself in addition to simply keeping the Thaksin`s party in check; thus, anticipating ongoing conflicts between the military authorities and political parties. In this situation, the absence of King Bhumibol Adulyadej, who used to play a decisive role in promoting the political stability of the country, and the accession of the new king to the throne raise concerns about the acceleration of political instability, which has continued after the coup and influenced the diplomatic relations of the country. Today, Thailand is distancing itself from Western nations that do not recognize the current military regime including the U.S.A. and EU member states and instead maintains a rapidly friendly and close relation with China. In 2016, the economy of Thailand made a gradual recovery rather than high growth. The death of King Bhumibol Adulyadej has exerted limited direct economic impacts only on individual consumption and tourism and is not likely to cause a recession. An economic crisis will, however, be unavoidable if the political confrontations escalate before the general election to transfer power to the civil government.

인간의 이동을 중심으로 본 한국 속 동남아 현상

김홍구 ( Hong Koo Kim ) 한국동남아학회 2011 동남아시아연구 Vol.21 No.2

Recently, Southeast Asian people, its food, natural sceneries and so on have been increasingly exposed to Korean people through mass media and multi-cultural events. At the same time, Koreans can frequently encounter Southeast Asians in their everyday lives. Thus, specific images and discourses of Southeast Asia has been established in our society, which creates a new social trend called ``Southeast Asia phenomena``. In short, ``Southeast Asia phenomena`` means a totality of Korean people`s experience of Southeast Asian and their perception on the region. On the one hand, ``Southeast Asia phenomena`` is a result of inflow of Southeast Asians and their culture into Korea. On the other hand, it is also a consequence of Korean people`s understanding of Southeast Asia from their trip to Southeast Asia or from their interactions with Southeast Asian people. This article aims to analyze the origin and diffusion of ``Southeast Asian Phenomena`` in Korea in the context of Southeast Asia focusing on 4 topics, that is, migrant workers, overseas investments, retirement migration, study-abroad categorized as human movement. This article is also about a country-by-country comparative analysis both at the macro level and the micro level. At the macro level, overseas investments and trade, human exchanges, positive perception to Koreans which considered to be the structural causes become a strong mechanism playing a important bridge role between Korea and Southeast Asia. So these create the high probability of the emergence of ``Southeast Asian Phenomena`` At the micro level which is more direct causes of ``Southeast Asian Phenomena``, the economic cause is the most important common cause for 4 Southeast Asian Phenomena. Additionally, Korean wave is also remarkable common cause creating ``Southeast Asian Phenomena`` even it is not the origin in the context of Southeast Asia. The diffusion of ``Southeast Asian Phenomena`` is different by the topics and the elements contributing to create the favorable situation for the diffusion are not only overseas investments and trade, human exchanges at the macro level but also policy elements at the micro level. The relative differences of the causes of ``Southeast Asian Phenomena`` in the country-by-country analysis are found. Regarding overseas investments in Vietnam and Cambodia, the economic degree of freedom in Cambodia is higher than in Vietnam. Even Korean Wave has had the longer history in Vietnam, but the favorable perspectives on Korean Wave are stronger in Cambodia. For migrant workers from Vietnam and Indonesia, the economic causes in Vietnam are more significant than in Indonesia. The impact of Korean Wave is stronger in Vietnam than in Indonesia. In case of study-abroad, the social-cultural elements and policy elements are more diverse in Malaysia than in Korea. For the Korean retirees who immigrate to the Philippines and Malaysia, the economic causes in the Philippines is more significant in Malaysia.

태국 민주주의의 심화와 헌정공학

김홍구 ( Hong Koo Kim ) 한국동남아학회 2013 동남아시아연구 Vol.23 No.1

This paper aims to study Thai democratic deepening and the constitutional engineering with the analytical concepts of ``power sharing`` and ``accountability`` focusing on the 1997 and 2007 Constitution. With regard to power sharing, the 1997 Constitution had the characteristics of majoritarian principle including a two-party system, strengthening of prime minister and the executive`s power etc. It enhanced significantly the aspects of accountability compared with the previous constitutions. The institutions such as Constitutional Court, Commission on Election, Administration Court, Commission on Human Right, Ombudsman, Commission on Anti-corruption, and the Measure for Anti-money Laundering were established by the 1997 Constitution. However, such empowered accountability system were often abused by the political power groups in the political process. The 2007 Constitution has the characteristics of consensual principle including a multiparty system, proportional representation system, weakened prime minister`s power, balancing of cabinet and parliament`s power, pushing ahead with decentralization. However, the consensual principle of the 2007 Constitution came, in part, from the factional interests. It is similar to the 1997 Constitution in terms of accountability system, which enhanced in law but abused often in practice. One of the critical reasons for the failure of the 1997 and 2007 constitutions to consolidate democratic system was the political game played around the so-called network for the monarchy composed by the military, the civilian bureaucracy, Constitutional Court and the privileged classes. The future of the Thai democratic deepening depends on the constitutional engineering in which the factional interests should be excluded, and the rules of power sharing and accountability which traditionally played around the network for the monarchy should be effectively institutionalized.

초 국가주의적 문화의 이동과 한국 속 ‘동남아 현상’

김홍구(Hong Koo Kim) 한국태국학회 2011 한국태국학회논총 Vol.18 No.1

This article aims to analyze the origin and diffusion of ‘Southeast Asian Phenomena’ in Korea in the context of Southeast Asia focusing on international marriage, tourism, food and pop culture categorized as the movement of transnational culture. With such new phenomena, how Korean society perceives the ‘Southeast Asian Phenomena’ was considered. This article is also about a country-by-country comparative analysis both at macro level and micro level. At the macro level, the regional cooperation in East Asia since 1990s stimulated human and cultural exchanges between Korea and Southeast Asia and then it resulted in ‘Southeast Asian Phenomena’ in Korea . The micro level is composed of common causes and inherent causes for the subjects which are more direct causes of ‘Southeast Asian Phenomena’. In this regard, one of the most influential common causes is Korean wave as social and cultural cause even it is not the origin in the context of Southeast Asia. The national policies as the common cause also can not be underestimated for the emergence of ‘Southeast Asian Phenomena’. Each subject has its different inherent cause. Especially, the inherent causes of tourism and food are conspicuous. The economic cause of international marriage is dominant. The diffusion of ‘Southeast Asian Phenomena’ is different according to the subjects but the most important element contributing to creating the favorable situation is the regional cooperation of East Asia and humans and cultural exchanges. At the micro level, the differences of the causes of ‘Southeast Asian Phenomena’ according to the countries are found. Regarding to tourism and food, the national policies contributing to emerge of ‘Southeast Asian Phenomena’ are strong in Thailand. Each subject has the hybridity of transnationalism. Koreans shows the lowest perception on popular culture of Southeast Asia. The Korean perceptions on tourism and food are different according to the countries.

태국의 한류현상 : 분석과 평가

김홍구 ( Kim Hong-koo ) 한국태국학회 2005 한국태국학회논총 Vol.12 No.-

The realistic trend of the Korean Wave(Hanryu) in Thailand as a major cultural input can be traced from 2001. Presently this trend is quite visible on TV drama, movies, pop music, etc. The countries influenced by the Korean Wave are generally the ones belonging to Chinese or Cinfucian culture. So far, the countries studied under the influence of Korean Wave are Vietnam and Singapore in the Southeast Asia. This research is, however, an attempt to study Thailand. Although Thailand was influenced by the Chinese culture, dominant influence is basically Indian culture and Buddhism. Yhus, the influence of the Korean Wave in Thailand can be seen in a different light. In this context, this paper intends to broaden the scope and the horizon of existing theories on assimilation of alien cultures through the study and analysis of different forms of Korean Wave in Thailand. This paper will also try to study forms, background, causes, and perception of 'Hanryu' or the 'Korean Wave' in Thai socoety and its effects.

태국의 경제위기와 정치적 선택

김홍구 ( Hong Koo Kim ) 한국동남아학회 2004 동남아시아연구 Vol.14 No.2

태국의 왕위계승 연구: 쟁점과 전망

김홍구 ( Kim Hong Koo ) 한국동남아학회 2016 동남아시아연구 Vol.26 No.4

이 글의 목적은 태국 왕위 계승의 여러 가지 쟁점들을 분석해 보고 왕권의 향방을 전망해보는 것이다. 이 글에서는 지금까지의 관련 논의들을 각각 법적, 개인적, 정치적 쟁점으로 나누어 살펴보았다. 법적 쟁점은 1924년 왕위계승법, 1974년 헌법, 2007년 헌법, 2016년 헌법 등을 살펴보고 법적으로 가능한 승계순위를 파악한다. 개인적 쟁점은 왕세자의 개인적 자질이 왕위계승에 적합한 것인가를 살펴본다. 정치적 쟁점에서는 왕세자=친 탁씬 세력, 씨린턴 공주 = 반탁씬 세력이라는 정치구도는 지속적으로 유효한 것인가에 초점을 맞추어 살펴본다. 이에 따른 잠정적인 결론은 다음과 같다. 왕세자는 왕위 계승의 모법이라고 볼 수 있는 1924년 왕위계승법에 따라서 1972년에 이미 책봉식을 가졌기 때문에 승계에는 아무런 문제가 없다. 개인적인 쟁점은 후계구도에 영향을 미칠 절대적 변수가 된다고 볼 수는 없다. 푸미폰 국왕과 달리 그의 후계자가 정치에 개입하지 않고 순수한 입헌군주제를 발전시켜나간다면 그 자질에 하자가 있다고 해도 큰 문제는 안 될 것이다. 후계구도에 영향을 미칠 가장 중요한 쟁점은 정치적 쟁점으로 볼 수 있다. 탁씬이 집권하는 2000년대 초 이래 후계문제는 심각한 정치적 쟁점의 대상으로 바뀌었다. 그리고 2014년 쿠데타 이전까지 왕세자 = 친 탁씬, 씨린턴 공주 = 반탁씬 구도가 고착되었으나, 이후에 이런 구도에 변화를 초래하는 사건들이 발생하고 있으며 왕세자가차기 왕권을 계승할 가능성이 높아지고 있다. 특히 2014년 쿠데타 후 군부 지지설이 그 가능성을 높여 놓았다. 하지만 왕세자가 왕위계승을 할 가능성이 크더라도 정치적 쟁점은 이후 정치불안 문제를 야기시킬 수 있는 가장 중요한 변수가 될 것이다. The purpose of this study is to analyze the controversial issues regarding the succession to the throne in Thailand and have a lookout of who will succeed to the throne. The controversial issues are examined with them divided into legal, individual and political one. As for the legal issue, reviewed will be 1924 Palace Law of Succession in Thailand, 1974 constitution, 2007 constitution and 2016 constitution, and the legally possible line of the succession will be seen. The individual issue is focused on whether the Crown Prince is qualified for the succession. As for the political issue, it will be examined whether the Crown Prince is supported by pro- Thaksin political powers and anti-Thaksin political powers support the Princess Sirindhorn. The tentative conclusions of this study are as follows. The Crown Prince already has been proclaimed heir to the throne in 1972 according to 1924 Palace Law of Succession, which can be seen as the mother law of the succession to the throne. So if he succeeds to the throne, it is very legal. The individual characteristic is not crucial enough to influence on the succession even though the crown prince has some weakness if he is a genuine constitutional monarch without intervening in the politics as King Bhumibol Adulyadej does. The most important issue to influence on the succession can be considered as the political one. Since Thaksin came to power in early 2001, the succession has turned into a serious political issue. Before the 2014 coup, it is widely known that Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn is for Thaksin. But after the coup, things that cause this format to change are occurring. The military, which led the coup, were against Thaksin and is supporting the Crown Prince. The relations among the Crown Prince, Thaksin and the military are like a tangled web. So even if the Crown Prince more likely succeeds to the throne, the political issue will be the biggest factor that could subsequently cause a serious political instability.

일반논문 : 태국 승가법과 국가권력

김홍구 ( Hong Koo Kim ) 영산대학교 동양문화연구원 2015 동양문화연구 Vol.20 No.-

이 글은 태국의 세 차례 승가법-1902년, 1941년, 1962년-과 이후 두차례의 개정-1992년과 2004년-과정을 살펴보고 승가와 국가권력간의 상관관계를 분석해 보는데 목적을 두었으며, 잠정적 연구결과는 다음과 같다. 세 차례의 태국 승가법은 국가권력의 정치적 목적을 실현시키려는 의도에 부응하여 개정되어 왔다. 1902년 승가법은 라마 5세의 근대화정책의 일환으로 만들어진 것으로 승가는 근대화된 관료체제의 통제 하에서 고도로 중앙집권화된 조직이 되었다. 1932년 입헌혁명이후 만들어진 1941년 승가법은 입헌혁명의 영향을 받아 승가의 구조를 민주화시키고, 국가로부터 보다 많은 자율성을 확보토록 했다. 1962년 승가법은 싸릿의 권위주의 정치체제 구축과 국가개발에 부응한 것으로 승가는 정부의 강력한 통제를 받으며 중앙집권화 되었다. 현재 태국은 민주적인 정치체제를 유지하고 있음에도 불구하고 기본적으로는 권위주의적인 1962년 승가법을 계속 유지하고 있다. 정치가 세속화 되고 불교도 점차 탈정치화 하고 있기 때문에 정치행위자들이 불교가 세속적 정치권력의 형태를 반영하고 있는가에 대한 관심이 없어졌다. 이런 이유로 1990년대 이후 승가법은 정치적 기능보다는 종교적 기능에 충실하면서 변화해 왔다고 볼 수 있으며 앞으로도 승가법 개정은 국가권력의 정치적 목적보다는 승가의 순수성을 복원하기 위한 종교적 기능을 충족시키는 쪽으로 변화할 것이 예상된다. The Sangha Act was first enacted by King Chulalongkorn in 1902. Since 1902, Thailand has had three Sangha Acts, those of 1902, 1941, and 1962, as well as two minor amendments in 1992 and 2004. This study focuses on the relationship between Thai Sangha and the secular state power with three Sangha Acts. State-initiated Sangha Acts-in 1902, 1941 and 1962-decreed that the national organization of the monkhood should have form that mirrored the changing structures of secular power. Throughout this period, state control over clerical organization and practice was closely monitored by an arm of the secular bureaucracy. The Sangha was restructured in 1902 parallel to and under the jurisdiction of King Chulalongkorn’s new bureaucracy, bringing it under even greater state control. The 1932 revolution was followed in 1941 by a democratization of the Sangha structure and greater independence from the state. Sarit’s 1962 Sangha Act reinforced a high degree of state control, centralization and a hierarchal structure. However, as the Thai state becomes increasingly secularized, the Sangha Act is no longer reformed to parallel the secular political transformations of the government and has gradually lost its political purpose.