도서관 플러스 - 걸음마하는 「인생나눔교실」 운영 사업에 부쳐

김학재,Kim, Hak-Jae 한국도서관협회 2014 圖協會報 Vol.55 No.12

기고문 - 축산물품질평가 공정성관리 강화 방안

김학재,Kim, Hak-Jae 축산물품질평가원 2012 KAPE누리 Vol.193 No.-

진압(鎭壓)과 석방(釋放)의 정치

김학재(Kim Hak-Jae) 한국제노사이드연구회 2009 제노사이드연구 Vol.5 No.-

1. POW’s camps and POW’s war experience during Korean War The twentieth century was the century of war, and it was also the century of camps. And the civilian population suffered at least as much as combatants, and one significant element of war experience is therefore not battle in the trenches, but the prison camp. If we consider the East Asian context, there are lots of the same problems and there are even more complex ones. The Korean War is another example, one which provided one of the defining moments of the Cold War between East and West and where POW(Prisoners of War) problems became one of the most important and international concerns of the time. What is interesting is that many POWs of the Korean War had the same nationality, but were divided by their ideology. These POWs also became vehicles for cultural and ideological propaganda of both blocs. POW Camps during the Korean War, were the space which the logic of ‘state of exception’ and ‘universal human rights’ were colflicted. On the one hand, ‘POWs’ were recognised as ‘nations’ who fight with enemy, and they protected under principle of human rights bakcked by international sovereignity. On the other hand, they were treated as ‘Homo Sacer’ in ‘state of exception’ and excluded by sovereign power of nation-state. Under this condition, POW camps in the Korean War undertook fuctions of refugee camp, concentration camp, war criminal camp, political prison, and immigration center. Therefore, I saw POW camps were a microcosm of divided nation state, and I will regard POW camp as a base of Korean modern political system, and condensation of violence which has effected korean society for many decade. 2. Who are the Korean Prisoners of War When the Korean War begins, there was a standard which determine POW’s status. The Geneva Convention of 1949 on the Treatment of Prisoners of War, introduced a concept of humanitarian treatment of POWs. But the Geneva Convention of 1949 was originally designed for a war between individual (sovereign) nations. The Korean War, however, has both feature of International Cold war and national Civil War, and the nation(state)-building process was proceeding. United Staes, and UN did not recognised north korea as a sovereign state, and this made ambiguous and exceptional condition of POW’s status. UNC attempted to apply the ‘humanitarian’ provisions of the Geneva Convention to POWs. However, in reality, there was no clear standard to determine who is POW and who is not. UNC defined ‘all captured personnel’ as POW and in the early stages of the Korean war, almost all person captured by the UN force were permanently registered as POWs. But there were many fundamentally different categories of person. UNC thought that Korean war was fundamentally different from previous wars. They regard that they faced politically and psychologically total war. In this condition, ‘humanitarian treatment principle’ made some POWs as War Criminals. And most of POWs were exposed nakedly to the inhumanitarian, brutal violence of the UNC guards, and of another POWs. In 1951, after armistice negotiation began, US suggested the principle of voluntary(of free) repatriation of POWs, which means some of POW would not be repatriated. This is the first case that never happened before. As a result, the prisoners of war problem has proven the greatest obstacle to a truce. At this moment, passive ‘protectionism’ went to active ‘liberalism’, but the alienation between theory and reality maximized. Actually, POWs treated by many exceptional measures, and exploited as a informant and agent of psychological warfare. When they became ‘civilian internee’ or ‘political refugee’, they were regarded as ex-communist sympathizer. 3. The development of Pong-am incident and reaction of UNC When Civilian Internees in Pong-am island camp resisted against UNC guards in 1951.12.14, 85 prisoners were killed and 113 wounded. They were a

한국전쟁 전후 민간인학살과 20세기의 내전

김학재(Kim Hak-Jae) 고려대학교 아세아문제연구소 2010 亞細亞硏究 Vol.53 No.4

Why so many civilians were killed during the Korean War? In this paper, i want to examine and understand this phenomenon as process, features and results of civil war rather than see it through ‘transitional Justice’ perspective. Nowadays, most of war is not inter-state war, but civil war. Civil war generalized during the 20th century, because the european modernity which limited war as inert-state war between two sovereign states, has collapsed by two World War. Especially, during the cold war period, civil wars, guerrilla wars and irregular wars were universalized and core states have intervened to peripheral state’s nation building process and their civil war. As western powers intervened to post colonial state, counter insurgency technique and state of exception was institutionalized to suppress revolutionary civil war. And 20th century’s war have becomes gradually a genocidal war in which targeted civilians. Civilian massacres which occurred during around the Korean war can be categorized by several types which related each types of civil war. First, there were already civil war situation in which several thousands of civilians killed by nation-building or counter insurgency operation between 1946 and 1948. In this time, illegal and unconstitutional martial law which has no ground and authority declared, and summary executions happened everywhere, and the korean constabulary was created to suppress mass riots. Second, this situation continued at Jiri-mountain area for six years (1949-1955), as rebels and people who joined to them entered the mountain. Irregular warfare and counter partisan operation started and many civilians massacred by military and polices who considered people as collaborators. Third, systemic mass killing of the national guidance alliance during early phase of the Korean war was caused by institutionalized civil war or ‘state of exception’. They were regarded as political prisoners and enemy who tergiversated by military intelligence agency and military police. Lastly, mass killing of so called ‘collaborators’ at late 1950, was performed by mass and para-military youth organization which politically mobilized by government and legal system. In western society, the history of civil war was history of revolution which created modern world, however, for us, civil war was remained as war which wasn’t authorized as interstate war, as nation-buinding which intervened by western powers, as suppressed social revolution and civillian masscres. Therefore, to understand civil war will be reflection about something supressed, boundaries which was created or collapsed by civil war.

[기획특집] 1950년대 국가권력과 행정말단기구 -국민반을 통한 감시와 동원-

김학재(Kim Hak-jae) 역사학연구소 2004 역사연구 Vol.- No.14

한국전쟁기 대통령 긴급명령과 예외상태의 법제화 -비상사태하범죄처벌에관한특별조치령의 형성과정과 적용

김학재 ( Hak Jae Kim ) 한국사회사학회 2011 사회와 역사 Vol.0 No.91

1948년 선포된 제헌헌법은 그 자체로 완결적인, 한국의 현실질서를 결정한 경전 이라기보다는 제정과정과 적용 과정에서 매우 복합적인 힘과 요소들이 긴장하고 갈등한 역사적 산물이었다. 이 연구에서는 동아시아적 통치성의 계보를 확인할 수 있는 사례로 한국전쟁 발발 직후 제정, 선포된 비상사태하범죄처벌에관한특별조치 령의 제정과정과 적용과정을 통해 제헌헌법에 기입되어 있는 예외상태state of exception 논리의 계보와 그것의 현실화 과정을 살펴보고자 했다. 범죄처벌특조령 은 제헌헌법의 제정과정에서 정체의 성격이 의원내각제에서 대통령제로 바뀌며 포 함된 대통령긴급명령 관련 조항이었다. 법무 전문가로서 장경근은 식민관료적 경 험과 헌법에 대한 지식을 바탕으로 한국전쟁 발발 직후 이 법의 제정을 추진했고, 법의 제정 과정과 내용은 위헌적, 위법적이었다. 한국전쟁기 대부분의 범죄는 이 법의 적용을 받았는데, 애초에 이 법의 목적은 전시 범죄에 대해 극형을 통해 공포 를 주려는 것이었다. 하지만 비상사태 개념이 매우 모호해 자의적 적용이 확산될 수 있었고, 특히 전쟁초기 패전책임과 서울을 버리고 도피한 것에 대한 대중적 원 망이 존재하는 맥락에서 부역처벌의 도구로 활용되었다. The first constitution of Korea which proclaimed in 1948 was not the cannon which was self-contained and determined real order unilaterally, rather it was a historical product of conflict and competition between complex elements and power relations. In order to trace the genealogy of east asian Governmentalities, I tried to identify how the special penalty law under the state of emergency which was proclaimed in early stages of the Korean War was legislated and applied. Through this work, I want to examine how the state of exception was introduced in the first constitution of Korea and how it was realized. This law was the presidential Emergency order which was included while the type of government was changed from the parliamentary to the presidential system. As a legal expert and an ex-colonial official, the deputy minister of Justice Chang-KyungGeun initiated legislation of this law, and this process was illegal and unconstitutional. The most of crimes during wartime were applied by this law. The first aim of this law was to punish criminals efficiently, however, because of ambiguous definition of ‘state of emergency’ and under the political context, the application area and objects were expanded.

국제해양법재판소(ITLOS)의 경험과 미래

김학재(Kim Hak jae) 국제법평론회 2008 국제법평론 Vol.0 No.27

국제해양법재판소는 유엔해양법협약의 해석과 적용에 관련된 분쟁을 판단하려는 목적으로 1996년 설립되었으며, 동 재판소는 강제관할권 및 인적관할권의 확대를 특징으로 들 수 있다. 국제해양법재판소의 강제관할권이 적용되는 경우는 잠정조치와 선원 및 선박의 신속한 석방의 경우로서 일정한 조건하에 본안판결 이전의 잠정적, 부수적 조치의 성격을 갖고 있다고 할 수 있으나, 이는 엄밀한 의미에서 유엔해양법협약 제15부 제2절의 분쟁해결을 위한 강제절차와는 성격이 상이하므로 양자간 차이를 구별하는 것이 필요하다. 유엔해양법협약상 강제절차는 협약 제287조에 따라 양당사국이 분쟁해결기관으로 미리 국제해양법재판소를 선택한 경우에 한해 국제해양법재판소의 강제절차가 적용된다고 할 수 있으며, 국제해양법재판소의 강제관할권은 상기 협약상 강제절차에 따른 본안판결과는 달리 합의된 재판소에 의한 본안판결 이전에 일방의 요청에 의해 강제되는 잠정적 조치라는 점에서 차이가 있으며, 현재까지 재판소에 요청된 총 15건의 사례 중 대부분을 차지하고 있다. 국제해양법재판소는 설립 이후 지난 10여 년간 여러 가지 성과에도 불구하고, 국제분쟁해결기구로서의 이용이 저조하였으며, 잠정조치와 신속석방에 치중되고, 어업문제에 한정된 경향을 보였다. 국제해양법재판소는 향후 전문성 축적을 통한 신뢰도 제고 및 소송절차 등 실질적 측면에서 편리성과 유용성을 높여 해양법 분야에 관한 권위 있는 국제사법기구로서의 지위를 더욱 강화하기 위한 노력을 경주하여야 할 것이다. The International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS) was established in 1996 for the purpose of making decision mainly on the disputes relating to the interpretation and application of the United Nation Convention on the Law of the Sea(UNCLOS). It can be pointed out that the main characteristics of the ITLOS are compulsory jurisdiction and the enlargement of the personal jurisdiction. The compulsory jurisdiction of the ITLOS applies to the cases where the provisional measures or the prompt release of vessels and crews, as interim order before the decision of the merit, concern. It is, however, necessary to note the difference from the compulsory procedure provided in Section 2 of Part XV of the UNCLOS which is applied only if both disputing parties opted for the ITLOS beforehand as the appropriate dispute settlement institution and deals with merit. So far, 15 cases have been submitted to the ITLOS as of March 2008 and the majority of the cases corresponded to the compulsory jurisdiction. It can be appraised that the ITLOS, despite its various achievements, have been underutilized for around 10 years since its foundation, resulting in a strong tendency that most of its cases fell under the compulsory jurisdiction. In the future, the ITLOS needs to make its utmost efforts to be a authoritative international dispute settlement institution by getting contracting parties confidence and by improving convenience and practicality in its legal procedure.

한ㆍ볼리비아 관계와 향후 과제

김학재 ( Kim Hak-jae ) 한국외교협회 2021 외교 Vol.137 No.0

우유니 소금사막으로 잘 알려진 볼리비아는 다양한 문화, 관광, 천연 자원 등 큰 잠재력을 가지고 있음에도 국내에는 거의 알려져 있지 않은바, 본고에서는 볼리비아의 최근 정세, 경제 상황과 우리나라와의 관계 등을 통해 볼리비아를 조금 더 깊숙이 살펴본다. 볼리비아는 2019년 10월 대선 이후 정치적으로 혼란한 시기를 겪었다. 부정선거 의혹으로 에보 모랄레스(MAS당)가 2019년 11월 퇴진하였고, 이후 헌법에 따라 집권한 우파 성향의 아녜스 임시정부가 좌파 MAS당과 대립각을 세우며 갈등이 격화되었다. 그러나 2020년 10월 치러진 대선에서 MAS당 아르세 후보가 당선되어 집권한 이후 혼란 정국이 점차 안정화 되어가고 있다. 그러나 아르세 신정부 앞에는 코로나19로 인한 경제적 타격 극복이라는 시급한 도전과제가 놓여 있다. 이를 위해 산업구조 개편, 국내 사업에 대한 장기투자 확대, 수출 경쟁력 강화, 재정적자 감축 노력 등이 긴요할 것으로 보인다. 한편, 외교관계에 있어서는 역내 좌파국가와의 연대 강화, 미국에 대한 견제, 중국과의 협력 강화가 예상된다. 우리나라는 1965년 4월 볼리비아와의 국교 수립 이래 우호협력관계를 유지하고 있다. 특히, 지난 10년 간 볼리비아 방문 우리국민 수가 6배 가까이 증가하였는데, 우리국민 편익 증진 차원에서 일반사증면제협정 체결이 필요한 상황이다. 한편, 볼리비아는 우리의 ODA 중남미 4대 중점협력국 가운데 하나이며, 향후 인프라 수요 증대 및 자원협력 가능성 등을 고려할 때 경제협력 잠재력이 큰 파트너 국가이다. 아울러, 볼리비아 내 K-pop 등 한류가 높은 인기를 끌고 있어 양국 간 문화협력도 지속 강화될 것으로 전망된다. 최근 아녜스 전 임시대통령 구속 등으로 국내 갈등이 고조되고 있으나, 아르세 정부가 관용과 통합의 정신을 발휘하여 볼리비아의 미래를 위해 국가발전을 도모하는 실질적인 정책을 적극 펴나가기를 바라며 이와 함께 안정된 정세를 바탕으로 우리나라와의 관계가 더욱 강화되어 나가기를 기대해 본다. Despite Bolivia’s great potential, including its diverse culture, tourism potential, as well as abundant natural resources, little is known about the country in Korea aside from its famous Uyuni Salt Flats. This paper examines comprehensively the recent political and economic situation in Bolivia, as well as Korea-Bolivia relations in order to deepen the understanding about the country. Bolivia has faced political turmoil since the presidential election in October 2019. The same year in November, Evo Morales unwillingly stepped down from presidency following allegations of electoral fraud. After the right-wing Jeanine Añez constitutionally took over the office, the tension between the Añez Administration and the Movement to Socialism (MAS) has escalated. However, the political situation is gradually stabilizing since the MAS reclaimed its power with Luis Arce in the 2020 presidential election. Nevertheless, before the Arce Administration, an urgent task of economic recovery from the negative impacts of Covid-19 is awaiting. In order to tackle this problem, efforts should be made to carry out economic restructuring, expand long-term investment in domestic projects, strengthen export competitiveness, and reduce fiscal deficit. As to foreign relations, it is expected that the current government would reinforce its ties with its leftist counterparts in the region as well as China, while keeping its distance from the US. Since the establishment of diplomatic relations with Bolivia in April 1965, Korea has maintained a friendly relationship with the country. In particular, in the past decade, there was a sixfold increase in the number of Koreans visiting Bolivia. In this respect, for the benefit of the Korean tourists, it is necessary to conclude a Visa Waiver Agreement between the two countries. Bolivia is also one of the four of our ODA priority partner countries in Latin America. Given its abundant natural resources as well as the soaring demand in infrastructure, the potential for economic cooperation between the two countries is also high. Moreover, as Hanryu such as K-pop is highly popular in Bolivia, the cultural cooperation is expected to strengthen in the future. Recently, the detention of ex-interim president Añez has yet again raised tensions within the country. One hopes that the Arce government would implement constructive policies for the national development in the spirit of tolerance and integration, and in turn, with the political stability in place, the ties between Korea and Bolivia would further strengthen in the future.

민간⋅가정어린이집 보육교사의 직무스트레스가 소진에 미치는 영향 : 사회적 지지의 조절효과

김학재 ( Kim¸ Hak Jae ),이연실 ( Lee¸ Yon Sil ) 동의대학교 지방자치연구소 2020 공공정책연구 Vol.37 No.2

본 연구는 보육교사의 직무스트레스가 소진에 미치는 영향에서 직장 내·외 사회적 지지의 조절효과를 검증하는 것이다. 이를 위해 인천지역 민간·가정어린이집에 근무하는 보육교사를 대상으로 구조화된 설문지를 활용하였다. 자기기입식 설문조사를 실시하였으며, 470부를 최종 분석자료로 사용하였다. 자료분석을 위해 빈도분석과 기술통계분석, 상관관계분석 및 위계적 회귀분석을 실시하였다. 주요 연구결과는 첫째, 보육교사의 직무스트레스가 소진에 미치는 정(+)적인 영향을 확인하였다. 둘째, 보육교사의 직장 내·외 사회적 지지가 소진에 미치는 부(-)적인 영향을 확인하였다. 셋째, 보육교사의 직무스트레스가 소진에 미치는 영향에서 직장 내·외의 사회적 지지에 대한 조절효과를 검증하였다. 이러한 연구결과를 바탕으로 보육교사의 소진을 감소시키고 보육서비스의 질적향상과 만족을 도모하기 위한 실천적 개입방안을 제시하였다. This study attempts to verify the moderating effect of internal and external social support in the effect of job stress on burnout of childcare teachers. For this purpose, structured questionnaires were used for childcare teachers working at private and domestic daycare centers in Incheon. The self-administered questionnaire was conducted through mail and fax, and 470 copies were used as final analysis data. For data analysis, frequency analysis, descriptive statistic analysis, correlation analysis and hierarchical regression analysis were conducted. Primary analyzed result is next following. First, the positive(+) effect of job stress on burnout of childcare teachers was confirmed. Second, the negative(-) effect of internal and external social support on burnout of childcare teachers was confirmed. Third, the moderating effect of internal and external social support was verified in the effect of job stress on burnout of childcare teachers. Based on the results of this study, practical intervention plans were suggested to reduce the burnout of childcare teachers and to improve the quality and satisfaction of childcare services.

전쟁포로들의 저항과 반공오리엔탈리즘 -한국전쟁기 유엔군 포로수용소 내 사건들을 중심으로-

김학재 ( Hak Jae Kim ) 수선사학회 2010 史林 Vol.0 No.36

The POWs in the UNC POW camps had continuously resisted to the camps authorities, since the camp`s policy was too oppressive and beneficial only to the U.S. at the Truce. The camp authority supressed POWs by force, and many bleeding incidents took placed. This paper attempted to uncover reality of these events, which was biased with the `logic of behind` and `anticommunist orientalism`. And also tried to trace how this `logic of behind` was constructed by the UNC`s public releases, press and incident reports. Finaly, this paper want to identify what is the character of the Governmentality of the UNC POW camps. Otherwise known as armed rebellion, most of resistants in the POW camps were not systemic and planed events. `6.18` incidents was caused by refusing food to take the initiative in the camps. And POWs at `8.15` incidents just sang a memorial song of liberation. POWs refused forced injection training, classification, ideological investigation of War criminals(`9.15`, and `2.18` incidents). After the Pongam island incident, the `logic of behind` was completed. This logic was constituted of images that inner/outer enemys were connected each other and justified of physical removal of communist POWs by attaching `commy` and `oriental communist` stigma to them. The `Oriental communist` concept was a racism combined with anticommunism. The POW camps were `dominating military orginization` which showed overwhelming force if POWs didn`t accept camps policy and direction. This paper suggest to call this character of camp`s policy and method to respond to these incidents as `governmentality of Civil War`.