한국에서 중앙(中央)유라시아사(史) 연구의 회고와 전망 -(사)중앙아시아학회 『중앙(中央)아시아연구(硏究)』를 중심으로-

김장구 ( Jang Goo Kim ) 중앙아시아학회 2015 中央아시아硏究 Vol.20 No.2

Established in October, 12, 1996, The Korean Association for Central Asian Studies published the first number of Central Asian Studies in 16, December the same year. For two decades, broad public attention to and highly qualified research achievements for central eurasian history and culture have been increased phenomenally. In addition, outstanding research achievements of ‘History of North Asia’ by precedent researchers after the middle of 20th century have still its academic value even to this day. The Korean Association for Central Asian Studies developed from Association for Central Asian Studies of Korea, which was established in 1993. It issued Newsletter of the Association for central Asian Studies of Korea from 1st issue to 5th issue. Research achievements through ‘Association for Central Asian Studies of Korea,’ show the main stream of regional studies on Central Asia, based on history, language, archaeology, art history, costume, musicology and so forth. Especially, focusing on field surveys and experience on site and collecting historical materials, fundamental studies has been carried out till now. Considering the situation that we could not help accepting the ‘The Chinese World Order’ in past, research achievements in this field can be regarded as remarkable progress. Nevertheless, some problems as below still remain. First, nowadays researchers are negligent in quoting research findings by precedent researchers. Furthermore, it is true that constructive and academic criticism are also not enough. Second, translation of basic historical materials and note for them are insufficient. The researchers with great affection for central eurasian history and culture have to try harder in this field. Third, the lack of translation of academic works is also a serious problem. Fourth, academic terminology varies scholar to scholar. Last, studies of a certain period and region are insufficient. The reason for above situation is, first of all, absolute lack of researchers and social indifference. Therefore, not only should awareness of the importance of studies in this field be raised but also researchers should give more efforts in order to understand its history and culture in objective and balanced way. Henceforth, centering the association, the systematic and long-term supports, such as discovering and supporting rising talents and providing relevant resources and study opportunity, are very important for the future.

기획논문 : 대몽골국 초기 리문화(異文化)와 궁정(宮廷)의 외교전례(外交典禮)

김장구 ( Jang Goo Kim ) 동국사학회 2012 동국사학 Vol.53 No.-

이 논문에서는 대몽골국(Yeke Mongyol Ulus)초기에 몽골초원에 존재했던 다양한 이방인과 이문화의 흔적과 궁정에서 행해진 외교전례의 실상을 살펴보았다. 쿠빌라이 카안(Qubilai Qa`an)이 제국의 중심을 칸발릭Qan Baliq[大都]으로 옮긴 후에는 더욱 다양한 이방인들이 대몽골국을 방문하거나 몽골의 통치에 협력했다. 그러나 이런 현상이 갑자기 발생한 것이 아니라 대몽골국 성립을 전후한 시기에 이미 다양한 이방인들이 존재하였다는 점을 밝혔다. 대몽골국이 성립되면서 문서행정의 필요성이 더욱 커졌고, 타타통가와 친가이, 발라 둥 다양한 출신의 인재들이 그 기초를 닦았다. 이어서 몽골을 방문한 중세 서양의 수도사들이 남긴 기록을 통해 몽골 궁정의 외교전례의 실상에 대해서도 살펴보았다. 외교사절은 궁정에서 수 백 미터 떨어진 곳에서 말에서 내리고, 수석 서기가 호출할 때까지 기다렸다. 이후 호출을 받고는 숨긴 무기나 유해한 것을 지니지 않았는지 몸수색을 받고 궁정 안으로 들어갔다. 특히, 궁정으로 들어갈 때는 문지방을 밟지 않도록 단단히 주의를 받았다. 대칸 앞에서는 무릎을 꿇고 관리와 통역을 통해 간접적으로 대화를 나누었다. 카르피니는 훌륭한 통역을 만났지만, 루브룩이 방문했을 때는 좋은 통역이 없어 많은 불편을 겪었다. 이것은 당시 몽골에게 유럽이 그리 중요한 상대가 아니었다는 사실을 보여주는 것이라고 할 수 있다. 마지막으로 뭉케 카안(Mongke Qa`an)이 루이(Louis) 9세에게 보낸 문서를 통해, 대몽골국의 카안이 발행하는 명령문의 정형구인 "영원한 하늘의 힘에 의해(mongke tngri-yin kucun-dur)"로 시작하는 형식을 취하고 있음을 보았다. 이울러 몽골의 ``세계정복 선언"의 일면도 살펴볼 수 있었다. This study aims to elucidate various form of diplomatic courtesy of the early Great Mongol Empire (Yeke Mongγol Ulus) court and to analyze diverse foreign cultures, or subcultures, of the Mongolian steppe culture. After Qubilai Qa`an moved he imperial capital to Qan Baliq, growing numbers of foreigners visited the Empire and cooperated with the Imperial govemment. But this phenomenon has a specific pericodical background and this study has elucidated the fact that there were already a large groip of foreigners from various cultures before or after the foundation of the Mongol Empire. Among them were merchants, warriors, priests, envoys, clerks, interpreters, translators, and prisoners of war(peasants and artisans). Cosmas from Russia made the throne and seals for an enthronement ceremony Guyug qa`an and Guillame Buchier from France made ``monggunmodu``, which is a sort of a water fountain providing five different kinds of drinks. After the establishment of the Empire, there was a bigger necessity for a construction of an administrative sytem, therefore, administrationists of various origins like Tatatongγa. Sigi Qutuqu, Cinγai, Kadac, and Bala built the administrative foundation of the Empire. Historical records made by western priests visited the Mongol Empire were used as an important source of the elucidation of the diplomatic courtesy of the Imperial Court in this study. Envoys had to get off their horses hundreds meters before the palace and waited for an order from the prime clerk of the court. After the order of entrance arrived, they had to get through a security check. They were specifically wamed not to step on thresholds in the palace. In front of the Great Qa`an, they had to fall on their knees and talk to the Qa`an through interpreters or vassals. Plano de Carpini was fortunate enough to have a competent interpreter, but William of Rubruck was not too lucky and he had to trouble himself to communicate with Monglians. This suggests that Euroe was not regarded as an important diplomatic partner by the Mongol Empire. There is a letter from Mongke Qa`an sent to Louis IX still exists and this letter has a specific wording of the Qa`an`s official order, which starts with "In the power of the everlasting God(mongke tngri-yin kucun-dur)". And one can also have a glance at the declaration of the conquest of the world from the letter.

논문(論文) : 대몽골국 초기 감국(監國) 톨루이의 정치적 위상과 역할

김장구 ( Jang Goo Kim ) 이화사학연구소 2015 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.51

Cinggis qan unified Mongolia divided for long time. But after his death, it took 2 years for the election of his third son OgOdei as qa’an, and also 5 years for successor Guyuk. When Guyuk was dead, dowager Oγul-Qaimisi qatun did regency for her young nephew siremun. But Cinggis qan``s eldest grandson Batu took the lead in the election of MOngke as qa’an, since then Toluids came to power of the Great Mongol Empire (Yeke Mongγol Ulus). Many scholars thought that youngest son Tolui inherited Cinggis qan``s property as it is. But some critics say, Tolui received just 5 chliiarchies and imperial guards. And the story of Tolui``s being regent for 2 years was only written in Yuan shi(元史), that is ‘History of the Yuan Dynasty’ of China. These facts lead us to think that Tolui had something complaints, and it was most important reason that OgOdei’s accession to the throne was delayed for 2 years. Tolui was great general and brave soldier too. ‘The Secret History of the Mongols’ shows us, he distinguished himself in the war against Jurchen dynasty since 1211 and also in the Cinggis qan``s expedition against Central Asia. He still lead the army after his brother became qa``an, when OgOdei’s condition became serious in June, 1232, after a month of getting disease serious. Tolui drank the magic water that washed the paper written the name of disease for his brother and died en route. There were denigrated description against OgOdei’s descendants, especially Guyuk qa’an in Yuan shi and Jami‘ at-tavarikh, written under the Toluids rule, on the other hand, Toluids`` holding power was wrote as fair. As mentioned above, qualified person was elected from Quriltay by the tradition of nomadic society in the earlier period of Yeke Mongγol Ulus. But after enthronement of MOngke qa’an the tradition became weaker. Since that Yeke Mongγol Ulus developed to world empire which dominated settled areas also, it became no more just a nomadic state. I think if we study the role of TOregene qatun and Oγul-Qaimisi qatun as regents, can get more objective and systematic approach about traditional enthronement system of Yeke Mongγol Ulus.

논문 : 쿠빌라이칸 정권과 몽골제국의 발전

김장구 ( Jang Goo Kim ) 동국사학회 2005 동국사학 Vol.41 No.-

기획논문: 여행기를 통해 본 동서양의 교류와 소통 : 플라노 드 카르피니의 『몽골인의 역사』에 보이는 몽골사 인식

김장구 ( Jang Goo Kim ) 동국사학회 2010 동국사학 Vol.49 No.-

1234년, 우구데이 카안은 바투를 총사령관으로 하는 ‘제2차 서방 원정군’을 파견하였다. 이 원정군은 킵차크 초원과 동유럽, 러시아 등을 정복하였다. 그 결과 서유럽은 ‘지옥에서 보낸 타르타르의 공포’에 휩싸이게 되었고, 교황은 다시 있을지 모르는 몽골의 공격에 대한 대책을 강구하게 되었다. 그리하여 카르피니는 교황이 몽골의 군주에게 보내는 두 통의 편지를 들고, 1245년 4월 6일 리옹을 출발하였다. 험난한 여정에도 불구하고 1246년 7월 22일 카라코룸 근처에 도착해 새로운 대칸으로 선출되는 구육의 즉위식에 참석하는 행운을 누렸다. 그런 다음 같은 해 11월 13일 카라코룸을 출발해 1247년 가을 리옹에 도착했다. 그는 귀환 도중 루시에서, 그 동안 보고 들었던 것을 토대로 『몽골인의 역사』(Historia Mongalorum)라는 보고서를 작성하여 교황에게 바쳤다. 보고서의 내용을 보면, 먼저 몽골의 자연과 기후, 종교, 관습 등에 대해 간명하게 서술하였다. 이어서 칭기스가 몽골고원의 유목민을 통합하는 과정, 몽골 군대의 편제와 구성 원리, 몽골 대칸의 위엄과 몽골군대의 엄격한 군율에 대해서 기술하였다. 그리고 몽골인의 전투방법, 정복지역에 대한 관리에 대해서 기술하였다. 카르피니는 대몽골국의 내부 문제에 대해서도 관찰하고 기록하였다. 제국의 행정을 책임지고 있던 친카이, 카닥, 발라 등 고위관리들을 만나기도 하였다. 카르피니는 구육 칸을 직접 만났으며, 다른 사람의 말을 통해 그가 기독교도라고 적고 있다. 물론 구육이 기독교에 우호적이었던 것은 사실이지만, 그렇다고 해서 다른 종교에 비해서 특별대우를 해준 것은 결코 아니었다. 유라시아를 아우르는 세계 제국으로 웅비하고 있던 대몽골국의 수도인 카라코룸에는 다양한 이방인들이 존재하였다. 카르피니는 몽골에 체류하는 동안 러시아와 동유럽에서 오거나 끌려 온 사람들을 만났고, 그들로부터 몽골의 내부사정에 대한 정보를 얻어들었다. 특별히 언급해야할 것은 ‘솔랑기(Solangi)’에서 보낸 사신에 대해 여섯 차례나 언급하고 있다는 사실이다. 몽골 사람들은 지금도 한국을 ‘솔롱고스(Solonγos)’라고 부른다. 태어나서 처음으로, 그것도 사전정보조차 불충분한 상황에서 몽골에 다녀온 카르피니의 여행기록은 비록 4개월 정도의 짧은 체류기간이었지만, 예리한 눈으로 관찰하고 다양한 정보를 수집하였다. 어떤 부분에서는 카르피니의 몽골어와 몽골 역사에 대한 이해가 부족한 면이 보이지만, 비교적 객관적으로 기록했다고 할 수 있다. 그러나 한편으로 그들 ‘타르타르(몽골)’의 야만성과 폭력성, 파괴와 살육 등을 과장하여 기술한 측면도 부인할 수 없다. 게다가 카르피니의 사행 목적은 몽골 정탐과 몽골의 서방세계 위협론을 과장할 필요가 있었으며, 몽골에 대항할 연합세력은 로마 교황이 중심이 되어야 한다는 당위성을 강조할 필요가 있었던 것이다. In 1234, Ogodei qa`an dispatched the second expedition to the west which was led by the supreme commander Batu and which conquered the Kipchak steppe, Eastern Europe, Russia, and etc. As a result of this expedition, Western Europeans were struck with `horror of Tartar (Mongγol) from hell` and the Papal court had to look for ways to prepare for further Mongolian attacks. On April 6, 1245, John of Plano de Carpini departed Lyons and traveled to the Mongol Empire on a mission to take two Papal letters to the Mongol qa`an. After all the difficulties he faced during the trip, he could made it to Qara qorum on July 22, 1246 and attend the new Great qan Guyug`s enthronement ceremony. Then he left Qara qorum on November 13, 1246 and arrived back at Lyons in the autumn of 1247. During the return trip, in Rus`, he compiled a report titled “Historia Mongalorum” in which the information he collected in Mongol Empire is recorded. He presented the report to the Pope. In the report, Carpini briefly described Mongolian nature, climate, religion, and custom. He also described the history of Cinggis qan`s unification of Mongolian tribes, Mongolian military system, tactics, strict discipline, dignity of the Great qan, and how they governed countries under Mongol rule. Carpini observed and recorded domestic issues of the Mongol empire. He met high officials like Cinqai, Qadaq, and Bala who held administrative responsibility of the empire. He met the Great qan Guyug in person and recorded that the qan was a Christian quoting some person`s testimony. It is true that the qan was in amity with Christianity, but he did not actually treat Christianity with any special favors. There were a lot of foreigners in Qara qorum, the capital of the Mongol Empire which was embarking on great ventures abroad in Eurasia at the time. Carpini met people from Russia or Eastern Europe and learnt a lot of information about the Empire from them. It is noteworthy that Carpini mentioned envoys from Solangi, which means Koryo, six times in his record. In a current Mongolian language Solangi(Solonγos) still means Korea. When one considers the fact that Carpini did not have enough advance information of the Mongol Empire and he was the first person at the time to have visited the Empire, the various information he collected while he was staying in the Empire only for four months is quite impressive. Even though the record reveals Carpini`s lack of understanding on Mongolian history and language, it still has considerably objective validity. But, however, there are some exaggerated facts of Mongolian brutality and savageness in the record. Carpini was on a spy mission and he had to overstate the threat of the Mongol Empire against the west. He also had to stress the need that the Papal court should play a key role in opposition to Mongols.