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      • KCI등재

        부모-자녀 간 의사소통 양상에 대한 종단 연구 - 김윤정·권순희(2015) 후속연구 -

        김윤정,권순희 청람어문교육학회 2019 청람어문교육 Vol.0 No.72

        This study is a follow-up study of parent-child dialogue (Kim Yune-jung, Kwon Soon-hee, 2015) with lower grade children. The purpose of this study is to analyze the communication patterns of the same participants who are now 13-14 years old and to suggest implications for good parent-child communication. Family Adaptability and Cohesion Evaluation Scales III, Parent Adolescent Communication Inventory(Barnes & Olson, 1982), Attitude perception test paper(Schaefer, ,1959) was used. All three households had a change in their perceptions of family communication types as compared to their lower grades. Changes in mothers' attitudes toward their children directly influenced their perceptions and patterns of communication. This study can be used as a basis for developing desirable parent-child dialogue strategies and parental dialogue education by examining the changes in parent-child communication. In addition, it is meaningful in that it can be used as a material for education for improving enlightenment of language and culture. 본 연구는 초등학교 저학년 자녀를 둔 부모-자녀 간 의사소통 양상 분석(김윤정·권순희, 2015)의 후속 연구로 현재 13-14세가 된 동일 참가자들의 의사소통 양상을 분석하여 바람직한 부모-자녀 간 의사소통 방안에 대한 시사점을 제시하는 것을 목적으로 한다. Barnes & Olson의 가족 간의 유형(Family Adaptability and Cohesion Evaluation Scales FACES Ⅲ), Barnes & Olson(1982)의 부모와의 의사소통 척도(PACI: Parent Adolescent Communication Inventory), Schaefer, E. S.(1959)의 어머니의 양육태도 지각검사지를 사용하였다. 세 가정 모두 초등 저학년 때와 비교했을 때 가족 의사소통 유형 인식에 변화가 있었는데, 엄마들의 자녀에 대한 태도 변화가 자녀의 의사소통 인식과 양상에 직접적 영향을 끼쳤다. 이 연구는 종단적으로 부모-자녀 간 의사소통의 변화 양상을 살펴봄으로써 바람직한 부모-자녀 간 대화 전략 개발, 부모의 대화 교육 개발에 기초 자료로 활용될 수 있으며 국민 계몽적 언어문화 개선 교육의 자료로도 활용될 수 있다는 점에서 의의를 지닌다.

      • KCI등재

        『국조상례보편<SUP>國朝喪禮補編</SUP>』의 곡례<SUP>哭禮</SUP> 정비와 그 의미

        김윤정(金允貞) 한국국학진흥원 2020 국학연구 Vol.0 No.41

        『국조오례의』에서 정비된 국상의례는 이후 국상의 거행을 통해 재검토되었고, 18세기에 『국조상례보편』으로 재성문화되었다. 국상의 정기적인 곡례는 상례의 진행에 따라 변화되면서, 슬픔을 줄여 일상으로 복귀하는 유교 상례의 원리를 상징적으로 표현하는 매우 복잡한 문제였다. 이러한 곡례의 시행을 위해, 국상의 실무자인 관료학자들은 『가례』에 대한 연구 성과를 바탕으로 『국조오례의』를 해석하고 보완했다. 이 과정에서 『가례』와 『국조오례의』 곡례 구조의 차이는 중요한 변수가 되었다. 『가례』의 ‘조석곡전상식'은 장례 전후에 그대로 적용되는 반면, 『국조오례의』에서는 장례 전 ‘조석곡전급상식'과 장례 후 ‘조석상식의'로 구분되었다. 따라서 『국조오례의』는 고례를 근거로 장례 이후의 의절에만 배례를 규정하였다. 『국조상례보편』에서 조석전에 배례를 추가하지 않은 것은 고례를 따르는 『국조오례의』를 계승한 것이었다. 『가례』를 근거로 배례를 보충하려는 논의가 제기되었지만, 『국조오례의』가 명확히 고례를 따른 경우라면『가례』와의 차이를 인정하지 않을 수 없었다. 『국조상례보편』의 곡례 절차는 17세기 국상의례의 변화를 수용하여 재성문화하는 방식으로 정비되었다. 첫째, 『국조상례보편』에서 조석곡전과 상식의 시작은 성빈 이후로 규정되었다. 국조오례의는 습 이후 영좌를 설치하면서 조석곡전과 상식을 시작했는데, 이에 대한 예학적 비판이 제기되면서 17세기 국상에서는 ‘성빈'후로 변화되었다. 『국조상례보편』은 이러한 관행을 그대로 수용하였다. 둘째, 『국조상례보편』에서는 『국조오례의』의 ‘연후무곡練後無哭'이 폐기되면서, 곡례의 기간과 범위가 확대되었다. ‘연후무곡'은 서서히 곡례를 줄이면서 일상으로 돌아오는 상례 절차에 어긋나는 것으로 인식되었고, 연제 후에도 친행의 경우에는 효와 인정에 근거하여 곡을 행했다.『국조상례보편』은 이러한 관행을 근거로 산릉과 혼전, 친행과 섭행에 상관없이 사시제와 삭망제 등의 곡례를 담제까지 연장하였다. 셋째, 조석곡 의주를 새로 마련하여, 초우제에 조석전, 연제에 조석곡, 상제에 상식곡을 중단하는 사가례私家禮의 곡례 절차를 국상에 반영하였다. 이러한 곡례의 정비는 슬픔을 줄여가는 상례의 의미를 구현하는 것이었다. The Ritual of National Funeral, which was maintained in Gukjo-Oryeeui, was later reviewed in the course of the National Funeral, and was retextualized in Gukjo-SangryeBopyeon in the 18th century. Regular Rite of Wail on national Funeral were changed according to the progress of the funeral, and symbolically showed the principle of Confucian funeral to reduce sadness and return to daily life. In the process of implementing these acrobatics, bureaucrats, who are practitioners of the state, interpreted and supplemented Gukjo-Oryeeui based on Family Rite's research. So Rite of jeon and sangsik in morning and evening was started after the sungbin. By discarding the principles of ‘no Wail after yeonje', the period and scope of Rite of Wail was expanded. Through supplementation with Rite of Wail in morning and evening, the meaning of funeral ceremony to reduce sorrow was realized. The considerable changes have already been made from the 17<SUP>th</SUP> century, and Gukjo-SangryeBopyeon has actively accepted these practices and reorganized the precedent.

      • 黃順元小說硏究 : 以《與星星在一起》辦中心 「별과 같이 살다」를 중심으로

        金允晶 중한인문과학연구회 1999 국제학술대회 Vol.- No.4

        《與星星在一起》是黃順元文學作品中最初的一部長篇小說. 從女性主義的角度去觀察這篇小說, 乃本文之目的所在. 綜關?今爲止的硏究史, 比起作品所具有的向題意況之幅度及深度, 女性問題却退到曆史的背后而談論得有些膚??. 爲此, 筆者再次閱瀆《與星星在一起》這篇小說, 試圖對特定談論배境中作爲曆史主體的女性位置, 進行重新排序. 在帝國主義植民地統治之下, 女性的肉體成了民族與資本, 階級女性矛盾之間錯綜複雜的關節, 同時사作爲這衆多關節中出現的形象而重新構成. 本文試圖放棄加害者與被害者這中二分法的構圖去觀察對否定的現實采取消겁反抗方式的死以及在權力行使上作爲具體領域的肉體與語言, 以便重新編軍植民地女性變成戱牲品的肉體之曆史. 《與星星在一起》這篇小說形象地抽述了女性肉體在帝國性近代植民資本主義與家長制思想意況之下被馴服, 被人專有幷對此進行反抗的曆史討程. 這部作品洋細地描寫了以殖民資本主義以及與此반根錯節的家長制統治下的社會制度爲中心而重新被組織的家庭向題以至女性的欲望, 快??, 感性, 肉體等走向殖民化的討程及女性掠與岐視的曆史. 在這部作品中, 女性人物和情節便成了推動敍事的力量. 저們能구形成介入于殖民資本主義社會生産的기質的. 有力的層位, 尤其是通討女性人物描寫了存在于經濟上對殖民資本的依賴與壓抑之間的家長制秩序和局限性以及隔애. 女性人物的肉體如實地反應了句括排斥與指責, 貧困與恥辱, 缺乏與死亡以至??狂在內的墮落的社會暴力鎭壓狀況以及時代痛苦. 因此, 要觀察在殖民地這一特殊的曆史狀況之下所隱??起來的女性問題, 就應當了解性在特定的曆史??件下如何構成, 如何定義, 當代的談論又如何稱謂女性的肉體等狀況. 女性人物在殖民地資本主義與家長制意思形態的雙重暴力鎭壓之下, 把自己換成一個溫順的肉體. 溫順的肉體有時表現爲偉大的象征, 在男人性放綜之下被毁的軀體. 生인育女的工具和性魅力被扼殺的劣等身體, 有時表現爲被疏遠而物化的, 承受雙重苦難的多層次形象. 雖然這篇小說是男性作者的作品, 但作者却徹底地批判了흔少與帝國主義串通一氣的第三世界民族主義的男性主義. 換言之, 這部作品把資本主義家長制生産方式與壓迫女性的關係當作問題. 因此, 這部作品在觀察把女性females 生産爲被馴服的女性 domesticated women的社會結構方面提供了各중有用的視角. 通過態女與山玉, 洪道與周心等女性人物的生活, 可以了解女性相關的所有領域都從屬于社會行爲幷髮生變化, 在《與星星在一起》這部作品中, 以沈默表示抵抗的熊女, 不甘心當被動的犧牲品而自殺以示反抗的山玉, 爲尋?母性而被賣掉的洪道, 爲民虎團獻身奮斗的周心, 所有這些故事在形成旣有기質性又有複合性, 旣矛盾又糾葛的正文方面便成了一般力量, 通過通過這些人物的生活, 可以髮現能구重新編寫女性曆史的旣復合又生長的差기空間. 尤其是主人요熊女謝絶給一個男人(哈日班)當妻子的位置却決定爲他人而于活, 這中結尾流露出女性作爲近代主體能구站起來的, 解開男性中心社會門산的象征性行爲, 女性人物所表現出來的關부倫理是一중接近性的倫理, 是一중只有通過他人和自己才有可能的倫理. 人類在參與和連帶的瞬間將自己的過去與未來加以統一幷作爲統一的整體自覺地積累實性. 因此, 熊女的這중覺悟就通過少數人的連帶爲創造新的女性曆史而提供了契机, 幷且爲저們能구肯定地, 겁積地面對生活而開?了道路. 從過중意義上況, 過部作品就更有价値.

      • KCI등재

        13~14세기 고려 지식인의 시대 인식과 정체성

        김윤정(金胤廷) 한국역사연구회 2020 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.115

        After a century of military commanders' control of the government, the king's governance was resumed in the 13th century, yet the Goryeo court was still under heavy influence of all the interventions committed by the Mongol Yuan empire. The Goryeo intellectuals of the time had to reevaluate their own identity and the nature of the Goryeo society itself. Some historians took notice of this particular aspect of the time fairly early on, and examined certain changes in the Goryeo people's world view, perspective on their own dynasty as well as themselves, which were undoubtedly caused by the new relationship Goryeo was forced to cultivate with Yuan. However, one thing was missing from the discussion: the fact that the Goryeo intellectuals of the time were defining their own reality not only as a contemporary one but also as an era that was completely different and severed from the past. So, examined in this article is the Goryeo people's new take on the ‘now,' and what kind of identity they were pursuing and exploring for themselves. In the eyes of the Goryeo intellectuals of the time, the very foundation of the Goryeo dynasty, which had only continued to prosper ever since Founder king Taejo Wang Geon opened the country, was severely shaken and even nearly dismantled by the Military commanders' revolt during King Euijong's reign, and the whole Goryeo civilization was summarily broken as a result. That was their take on the ‘past.' And compared to such ‘past,' at least in their eyes, the 13th and 14th centuries, a time when Goryeo was situated within the Yuan-centric world order, was an era that welcomed civil governance, duly supported by worthy human resources appointed to proper tasks, under the leadership of the Imperial Yuan court. So, to the Goryeo intellectuals, the ‘present' was an era of a civilized world order, which they had no reservation to immediately join as well. Added to that, based on the new academic school of thought –Neo-Confucianism- they recently learned from the very heart of the above-said civilization, they viewed themselves as a generation tasked with the duty and obligation to ‘resurrect' the long forgotten civilized traditions of Goryeo. Meanwhile, the intellectuals' experience of the so-called Jung'hwa, the conceptual Sino-centric world order and culture, was quite different from what the former generations earlier had, in terms of not only quantity but quality as well. Although overwhelmed by the Yuan empire's superior political and cultural influences and therefore acknowledging its merits as qualities they had to embody as well, the Goryeo intellectuals of the time also identified themselves as the “People of the East(Dong'in, 東人)” who had maintained a cultural distinctiveness and outstanding capabilities of their own for a very long time. Their evaluation of the present and themselves in such climate laid down a new foundation upon which future generations would continue to charter new realities for themselves.

      • KCI등재

        조선후기 고례<SUP>古禮</SUP>와 국제<SUP>國制</SUP>의 교차

        김윤정(金允貞) 한국국학진흥원 2018 국학연구 Vol.0 No.36

        국휼 중 사가의 상례는 병유상竝有喪으로 인식되면서, 무거운 군상君喪과 가벼운 친상親喪에 차등을 부여하여 명분에 맞는 의례를 실천하는데 주목하였다. 국휼 중 사상私喪의 연제練祭·상제祥祭 시행은 국제와 고례가 충돌하는 사안이었고, 송시열과 박세채의 논쟁으로 부각되었다. 송시열은 국제를 따르는 김장생의 예설을 계승하여 국휼의 졸곡 후로 연·상제를 미루어 행해야한다고 주장했다. 반면 박세채는 고례인 『예기』 「증자문」에 따라 관직의 유무를 구분하여, 유관자는 연·상제를 국휼의 졸곡 뒤로 미루어 지내지만 무관자는 국휼에 상관없이 그대로 지낼 수 있다고 보았다. 이후 소론학자인 박세채·윤증·최석정을 중심으로 고례인 「증자문」에 대한 논의가 본격적으로 이루어졌다. 모두 고례를 근거로 했지만, 관직의 유무, 제사와 변제變除의 구분, 간략 설행 여부를 두고 논쟁이 지속되었다. 18세기 인현왕후 국휼을 계기로 사상의 연·상제 문제가 국가차원에서 논의되었다. 최석정은 고례와 박세채의 예설을 근거로 국휼의 졸곡과 상관없이 간략하게 연·상제를 지내는 방식을 제안했지만, 「증자문」의 ‘과시부제過時不除'해석을 놓고 이봉징과 갈등하였다. 권상하의 주장에 따라 송시열의 ‘졸곡후 연·상제'가 채택되면서, 국제로서의 지위를 얻게 되었다. 이후 영조대 정성왕후의 국휼에서 영조는 ‘공제 후 연·상제'를 새로운 국제로, 홍계희는 ‘졸곡후 연·상제'를 고례로 주장하면서 논쟁하였다. 홍계희의 주장이 『국조상례보편』에 수록되면서 ‘졸곡 후 연·상제'는 고례이자 국제로 인정되었다. 김장생의 ‘졸곡 후 연·상제'는 국제를 중심으로 했지만, 이후 고례를 근거로 하는 비판에 대응하면서 고례와의 친연성이 강조되었다. 송시열은 절충적인 시각을 보였고 이후 홍계희에 이르면 ‘졸곡 후 연·상제'는 고례로 간주되었다. 처음부터 고례를 중시했던 박세채 등의 주장 역시 하나로 귀결되지 못했다. 특히 최석정은 「증자문」을 새로운 방식으로 해석하고 박세채의 예설을 자의적으로 인용하는 모습을 보여준다. 따라서 ‘고례'나 ‘국제'라는 개념은 매우 다의적·중층적으로 사용되면서, 정당성과 상징성을 위해 소비되는 경향이 강했다. The family funeral during the national funeral was a complicated and difficult problem. It was discussed mainly with ancient rites and national institutions. Yeonje and sangje during the national funeral were a conflict between ancient rites and national institutions. Song Si-Yeol insisted that yeonje and sangje were not allowed before jolgok of the national funeral according to national institutions. But Park Se-Chae insisted that yeonje and sangje were allowed for non official, according to ancient rites, Yoon Jeung, Park Se-Chae and Choi Seok-Jeong in Soron School discussed about ancient rites in earnest, but did not get the consensus. In the 18<SUP>th</SUP> century, Choi Seok-Jeong suggested a simple way of yeonje and sangje during the national funeral officially, but conflicted with Lee bong-jing. In the end, Song Si-Yeol's theory was adopted to new national institutions. Hong Kye-hee in noron School insisted that Song Si-Yeol's theory was based on ancient rites. Song Si-Yeol's theory was legalized in Gukjo-Sangryebopyeon, and regarded as ancient rites and national institutions.

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        고려후기 사여관복(賜與冠服) 행례와 예제(禮制) 질서의 형성

        김윤정(金胤廷) 한국역사연구회 2020 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.118

        In pre-modern relationships forged between China and the Korean peninsula, there was a ritual through which the Chinese Emperor would bestow official attires to the King of the Korean peninsula. In the East Asian Confucian societies, attires served as a method with which the Emperor would enlighten the universe, and establish a social order based on protocols(Rye, ceremonial rules) by distinguishing social classes with a dress code. Back in the time when Han(漢) dominance was affecting the Korean peninsula, Goguryeo, and the little states(小國) of the Korean Han(韓), received attires and other items from the Chinese Han(漢) dynasty, and this practice was emulated inside the peninsula as well, as Goguryeo bestowed attires to Shilla and Shilla did so to other smaller entities. This was an act of pursuing diplomatic peace as well as domestic stability, by acknowledging the relative superiority of the party which was bestowing the attire. Unlike previous periods, when these rituals of bestowing attires were only held or observed sporadically, in the Goryeo period the frequency dramatically increased. The Goryeo King regularly received official attires from both the Khitan Liao dynasty and Jurchen Chin dynasty, both of which Goryeo served as superior states. The items the Goryeo King received were the Myeonbok(冕服) dress, completed with the Gu-ryu'gwan head piece and Gu-jangbok attire. This dress code affected domestic rituals as well, and became the norm for later Goryeo Kings' dress code too. The observation of this ritual was discontinued during the period in which Goryeo coexisted with the Mongol Yuan Empire, but was later resumed at Goryeo's own request when Goryeo's relationship with the newborn Ming dynasty began. During the reigns of Kings Gongmin-wang and U-wang, Goryeo, in an attempt to restore a new cultural norm of which the original was in their eyes somewhat contaminated by the Mongol cultural influence, tried to establish an amicable diplomatic relationship with Ming, and requested Ming cultural bestowals, including attires for the Goryeo King. When Ming received an unexpected request from Goryeo, it complied by going through some troubles of establishing necessary protocols, in order to maintain their image of superiority. At the end of the Goryeo period, a relationship with Ming was firmly in place and diplomatic institutions were equipped, so bestowed attires also again became a norm. In the past, they represented a diplomatic consent between the appointing state and the appointed state over the issue of political, diplomatic dominance, but now it was symbolizing the provision and acceptance of cultural norms, and a recognition of cultural superiority.

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        18세기 조선본 『서의書儀』의 간행과 그 예학사적 의미

        김윤정(金允貞) 한국국학진흥원 2017 국학연구 Vol.0 No.33

        사마광司馬光의 『서의』는 『가례家禮』의 토대가 된 예서로서 잘 알려져 있었지만, 18세기 중반까지 조선에 전래되지 못했다. 이러한 한계로 인해 『서의』는 『가례』와 『가례의절家禮儀節』 등에 인용된 방식에 따라 인식되고 재인용되었다. 『서의』는 속례와 소략함으로 대표되었고, 『가례』가 고례와 다른 부분은 『서의』를 따랐기 때문으로 간주되는 경향이 강했다. 18세기 중엽 홍계희洪啓禧가 북경에서 1723년 재간행된 『서의』를 들여왔고, 조선 학자들의 교정을 거쳐 1767년에 조선본 『서의』가 간행되었다. 조선본 『서의』의 존재는 그동안 학계에 소개되지 못했지만, 『서의』 판본 연구에서 중요한 사례라고 할 수 있다. 홍계희의 발문에 의하면, 『서의』의 간행은 족질인 홍양해와 그 친우인 김응순에 의해 이루어졌다. 홍계희는 『가례』를 공부하는 후학들이 『서의』를 얻은 이후에야 주자가 『가례』를 절충하고 취사한 명확한 기준을 알 수 있다는 점을 강조했다. 『서의』가 간행된 이후 『서의』를 직접 고찰하고 연구하면서 조선 예학의 새로운 발전이 이루어졌다. 먼저 『서의』를 통한 『가례』 이해의 심화는 오랫동안 논쟁의 대상이 되었던 『가례』의 불분명한 조목들에 대한 새로운 해석을 이끌어냈다. 주관主冠과 주혼主昏의 문제, ‘독필회지讀畢懷之'와 수조受胙시 재배再拜에 관한 논쟁 등에서 『서의』를 통한 명확한 설명이 가능해졌다. 또한 『서의』를 근거로 기존 예설에 대한 비판적 접근이 시도되었다. 늑백勒帛을 행전으로 보는 『가례의절』과 김장생의 예설을 비판하고, 『서의』를 잘못 인용했던 오류를 바로잡는 연구들이 진행되었다. 『가례』가 고례와 다르거나 불충분한 부분들을 모두 『서의』의 잘못으로 간주하는 고정관념이 변화하면서 『가례』에 대한 보다 객관적인 접근이 가능해졌을 것이다. Shuyi was often quoted as the basic of Jiali, but it was not passed down to Chosun until the middle of the 18th century. Shuyi was recognized and re-quoted according to the methods cited in the chapters on Jiali and Jiali-yijie. Shuyi was represented by the omission, and it was perceived differently from acient ritual. In the middle of the 18th century, Hong Gyehee took Shuyi from Beijing and it was published in chosun 1767, after the correction of Chosun scholars. The existence of the Korean version of the book has not been introduced in the academic world, but it is an important example in the book edition of Shuyi. Since the publication of Shuyi, it has been attempted to directly study of the ritual in chosun. The understanding of Jiali through Shuyi was deepening. A critical approach to the existing tradition was made through Shuyi. So more objective approach to Jiali has become possible.

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        중국어 구어 상용 관용표현의 분포 및 양상 연구

        김윤정(金玧廷) 한국중국어교육학회 2019 중국어교육과연구 Vol.0 No.30

        The purpose of this study is to analyze the usage patterns of idiomatic expressions in Chinese spoken languages. This study in essence started from the following three problems: how to derive the information of idiomatic expressions in common use; how to solve the disagreement over the classification of idiomatic expressions; how to set the scope of idiomatic expressions. In order to find the solutions to these problems, this study built up the spoken corpus with the lines of Chinese drama ‘Aiqing zui meili', and idiomatic expressions were extracted from them and used patterns were analyzed as follows. First, the ‘basic category' and ‘extended category' were set up to review the various identities of idiomatic expressions: the former includes the traditional idiomatic expressions such as idioms, proverbs, idiomatic phrases, and two-part allegorical sayings; the latter includes those that were not classified as traditional idiomatic expressions. Second, considering the different ideas about the classification of idiomatic expressions, the proverbs and the idiomatic phrases were integrated into one type and the firm criteria were prepared for each type for the convenience of the analysis. Third, the most highest distribution type in basic idiom expression was the idioms, where 357 data were derived. The next highest distribution type was idiomatic phrases/proverbs, where 163 data were derived, and only 7 data of two-part allegorical sayings were derived. Fourth, extended idiomatic expressions were divided into ‘modified' and ‘non-conformal' types. 46 data of the modified idiomatic expressions were derived and their deformation patterns can be understood by 6 principles such as component replacement, syntactic expansion, component inversion, abbreviation, addition, and semantic reversal. 15 data of non-conformal idiomatic expressions were derived, and they represent various objects such as symbolic figures, trendy idiomatic expressions in internet, sources of historical and literary works, and figurative expressions related to media comparison.

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