잉글랜드 프리미어리그 공식기록을 통한 경기력의 군집분석

김도민(Kim, Do-Min),최형준(Choi, Hyong-Jun) 한국체육과학회 2019 한국체육과학회지 Vol.28 No.2

The purpose of this study is to identify the performance clustering by ranking and the characteristics of clusters based on the official records of eight seasons from 10/11 to 17/18 of the English Premier League provided by Whoscored. A total of 2,400 official records of 20 teams were collected each season to carry out the study. As the independent variables, the official records for goal, shot, yellow, red card, possession, pass, Aerial Won, Shots Conceded, tackle, interception, foul, offside, Shots On Target, dribble, Foulded were selected, and dependent variables were selected by ranking (A(1-6th), B(7-20th). The statistical package R 3.5.1 was used in conjunction with R studio 1.1.456 for processing the collected data, the K-means cluster analysis was used for clustering the data, and the Silhouette evaluation was used to select an objective optimal initial cluster k. A discriminant analysis was also conducted to identify the relationship between dependent variables and clusters. The results of the study indicated that the initial number of k was selected as 2 and that there was a relationship between the groups according to the ranking(x<SUP>2</SUP>=82.545, p=0), and that ranking A had a higher frequency than that of the group 1 (6.3%), and that ranking B had a higher frequency than that of the group (12 percent). Ranking A and Cluster2 showed relatively high goal, shot, possession, pass, tackle, offside, shot on target, dribble, and foulded than Ranking B and Cluster1 and yellow, red card, aerial won, shot conceded, interception and foul showed relatively low.

춘천 ‘에티오피아 한국전 참전기념관’의 전시 분석과 개선 방향

김도민 ( Kim Do-min ) 강원사학회 2022 江原史學 Vol.- No.39

본고는 연구자가 2022년 4월부터 5월까지 세 차례 춘천 ‘에티오피아 한국전 참전기념관’을 방문한 경험을 토대로, 이 기념관의 전시 내용을 분석하고 개선 방향을 제시한 것이다. 먼저 기념관이 역사적 사실에 입각해 전시되고 있는지 분석했다. 특히 에티오피아의 참전기간과 사망자 숫자에 문제가 있음을 밝혔다. 다음으로 이 기념관에서 냉전기 ‘에티오피아와 한국의 관계사’의 복원 필요성을 제기했다. 이 기념관은 이분법적이고 적대적인 냉전적·반공적인 서사에 따라 전시가 구성됐다. 따라서 냉전기 어느 한편에 서지 않았던 비동맹주의를 주도했던 아프리카 국가 중 하나였던 에티오피아의 역사는 전혀 소개되지 않았다. 나아가 냉전기 내내 존재했던 한국과 에티오피아의 많은 역사적 사실들이 생략됐다. 이로써 참전기념관은 한국사회의 오래된 반공주의적 내러티브를 반복하고 있을 뿐 아니라 방문객들에게 이를 강화하고 있다. 그런데 냉전기 한국과 에티오피아의 역사적 관계는 글로벌한 차원에서 반공주의와 비동맹주의가 충돌하던 장소였다. 따라서 이 참전기념관은 냉전기 에티오피아와 한국의 관계사를 제시하고, 이를 포함하여 전시관을 재구성되어야 한다. 이처럼 본고가 제시한 전시 분석과 개선 방향이 반영되어, 춘천 에티오피아 한국전 참전기념관이 ‘전쟁과 평화’ 관련한 공공역사의 교육현장으로 재탄생하기를 기대한다. Based on the researcher's experience of visiting the Ethiopian Korean War Veterans Memorial in Chuncheon three times from April to May 2022, this paper analyzes the contents of the exhibition and suggests directions for improvement. First, this paper analyzed whether the memorial is being exhibited based on historical facts. In particular, it revealed that there were errors in the length of time Ethiopia participated in the war and the number of deaths. Next, the history of the Cold War relationship between Ethiopia and Korea, which was omitted by the Ethiopian Korean War Veterans Memorial, was presented, and the need for reorganization of the exhibition hall was emphasized. It is expected that the Chuncheon Ethiopia Korean War Veterans Memorial Hall will be reborn as an educational site for public history related to ‘war and peace’ by reflecting the wartime analysis and improvement directions suggested in this paper.

진정수면제 중독 환자의 처방과에 따른 처방 및 임상양상 비교

김도민 ( Do Min Kim ),박원빈 ( Won Bin Park ),임용수 ( Yong Su Lim ),김진주 ( Jin Joo Kim ),장재호 ( Jae Ho Jang ),장지용 ( Jee Yong Jang ),양혁준 ( Hyuk Jun Yang ),이근 ( Geun Lee ) 대한임상독성학회 2014 대한임상독성학회지 Vol.12 No.2

Purpose: The purpose of this study was to compare prescription patterns and clinical features according to clinical departments in sedative-hypnotic intoxication. Methods: This was a retrospective study of histories, substances of poisoning, acquisition routes, clinical courses, and outcomes of patients treated for acute intoxication in a single emergency medical center from January, 2011 to December, 2013. Results: A total of 769 patients were treated for acute intoxication, 281 patients ingested sedative hypnotics during the study period. Among 281 patients, 155 patients were prescribed by psychiatric department and 80 patients were prescribed by non-psychiatric department. Benzodiazepines were more likely to be prescribed by psychiatrists, and zolpidem was preferred by non-psychiatrists (p<0.001). Non-psychiatrists were more likely to prescribe short acting benzodiazepines than psychiatrists (p<0.001). However, there was no statistically significant difference in the clinical outcomes, including prevalence of admission to ICU, ventilator care, and length of stay in ICU. In patients prescribed by non-psychiatrists, there were more patients prescribed without psychiatric diagnosis and diagnosed as major depression disorder after hospitalization. Conclusion: To promote rational prescribing of sedative hypnotics, proper psychiatric evaluation should be performed before prescribing, and educational programs including the contents of interactions and side effects of sedative hypnotics are needed.

1956년 헝가리 사태에 대한 남한의 인식과 대응

김도민(Do-min Kim) 역사비평사 2017 역사비평 Vol.- No.119

South Korea, at the forefront of the Cold War, wanted to directly intervene in the anti-Soviet uprising that began in Hungary in October 1956 even though it was geographically remote. e South Korean government and the newspapers wanted to expand the ‘anti-communist free-world’, starting with the anti-Soviet uprising in Hungary. So the South Korean government actively sought to raise funds for the Hungarian people and to support Hungary’s stance. Furthermore, the Hungarian situation had a direct impact on the Korean peninsula. the South Korean government and newspapers wanted the people of North Korea also to rise in revolt. Interestingly, they searched for the reason why North Korean compatriots could rise from the ethnicity of the Korean people who had struggled during the Japanese colonial period. On November 4, 1956, the Soviet invasion of Hungary brought about the crisis of war in the Korean peninsula. While the free world was stymied by the Soviet invasion, there was a fear that North Korea might resume the Korean War. is crisis triggered o the attempt by the ruling party in South Korea to enact ‘a law on the provision of state protection’ for social control. On the other hand, the opposition party appropriated the same Hungarian situation as a demonstration of people’s resistance against dictatorship and anti-democratization and lack of freedom. e 1956 Hungarian revolution can be seen as a dynamic demonstration of the process of cross-exchange between the Cold War, post-colonialism and division in Korea.

1968년 ‘프라하의 봄’에 대한 남북한의 인식과 반응

김도민(Do Min Kim) 역사비평사 2018 역사비평 Vol.- No.123

This article attempts how South Korea and North Korea responded to the so - called ‘Spring of Prague’ in Czechoslovakia in 1968. Especially, it tries to reveal the mutual relationship and the process of change of ‘Cold War - Korean Peninsula Division - Nationalism’ which spread on the Korean peninsula. First of all, South Korea was called ‘Spring of Prague’ as liberalization, which was both a Anti-Communist perspective and the expansion of anti-Soviet policy in the Eastern Europe. On the other hand, from the point of view of North Korea, ‘Prague Spring’ was a counterrevolution to capitalism and a counterrevolution controlled by “US imperialism”. In August 1968, North Korea first agreed on the entry of Soviet troops into Czechoslovakia. In the meantime, North Korea emphasized the ‘Ju-Che(주체)’ that should maintain its sovereignty on its own. South Korea emphasized the ‘Self-Reliance(자주)’ of the interests of the nation and the nation because the entry of the Soviet forces into Czechoslovakia was a testament to the coercive domination of the ‘red imperialism’ on the weaker countries. In 1968, the two Koreas, on the one hand, strengthened the existing Cold War logic. On the other hand, they tried to respond to the new Cold War. However, in 1968, the two Koreas did not stay in the existing Cold War strategy, which depends on powerful countries such as the US and the Soviet Union. South Korea emphasized self-reliance, including the establishment of a reserve forces. North Korea emphasized solidarity with smaller countries such as Cuba and Vietnam rather than a powerful country and advocated to fight boldly and independently. The international situation in 1968 is now a multi-polar period, and the fate of the weak countries must be defended on its own in a new Cold War era. Therefore, both North and South Korea are still looking forward to a new strategy of ‘self-reliance’ and ‘Ju-Che’, while still expecting the US and the Soviet Union.

1950년대 세계 민족해방운동에 대한 남한에서의 젠더적 재현 양상

김도민 ( Kim Do Min ) 역사문제연구소 2018 역사문제연구 Vol.22 No.1

This paper analyzed the way in which the 'revolution' of the world of national liberation movement in the 1950s was represented in South Korean newspapers and literary works. The South Korean newspapers represented the female subjects who participated in the Hungarian Revolution in an active and subjective image. The image of women as a fighter of the revolution has been reported in detail during the process of posting reporters' local reports. However, instead of paying attention to active and subjective women in the image of female subjects as fighters who came into the South Korean newspapers, the newspapers emphasized the importance of the material to maximize the image of "doom" to prepare for the atrocities and cruelty of the Soviet Union in the context of the Cold War. On the other hand, South Korean poets 'created' women as the subject of the suffering of the weak people by the cruelty of Soviet imperialism. Gender discrimination has been strengthened as the Soviet emphasis on cruelty in the Cold War context and the emphasis on anti-imperialism and anti-colonialism as a small and weak nation have been strengthened.

고차보 이론과 사각빔 조인트 해석을 고려한 박판보 구조체의 위상최적설계

김도민(Do-min Kim),김서인(Suh In Kim),최수민(Soomin Choi),장강원(Gang-Won Jang),김윤영(Yoon Young Kim) 대한기계학회 2012 대한기계학회 춘추학술대회 Vol.2012 No.11

고차보 이론을 이용한 폐단면 박판보-기둥 좌굴 해석

김도민(Do-min Kim),최수민(Soomin Choi),장강원(Gang-Won Jang),김윤영(Yoon Young Kim) 대한기계학회 2015 대한기계학회 춘추학술대회 Vol.2015 No.11

모듈러공법의 국내 활성화 저해요인 분석에 대한 연구

김도민(Kim, Do-Min),서희창(Seo, Hee-Chang),김주형(Kim, Ju-Hyung),김재준(Kim, Jae-Jun) 대한건축학회 2012 대한건축학회 학술발표대회 논문집 Vol.32 No.2

논문 : 1948~50년 주한미대사관의 설치와 정무활동

김도민 ( Do Min Kim ) 서울대학교 국사학과 2013 韓國史論 Vol.59 No.-

This study examines the installation process, organization, status and especially political activities from 1948 to 1950 of the United States Embassy in Korea which was approved from the Mission of the United States Special Representative in Korea in April 1949. Although the US army military government in Korea(USAMGIK) ended with the founding of the Republic of Korea(ROK) in Aug. 1948 and the withdrawal of the US armed forces in Korea(USAFIK) had already been decided by then, US ultimately did not intend to give up the ROK. In the interest of maintaining the influence of US in ROK, The US Government sent the enormous American Mission in Korea(AMIK) which consisted of four agencies: the US Embassy in Korea, the Korean Military Advisory Group, the Economic Cooperation Administration Mission on Korea and the Joint Administration SelVices. The AMIK worked in various fields of activity in order to make ROK an anti-communist fortress in the Far East Asia The US Embassy in Korea stood the most important in the Korean-American relations from the establishment of the a newly-independent nation to the outbreak of the Korean War. "All phases of U.S. Government activity in Korea should be unified in a combined American Mission in Korea under the overall direction of the American Ambassador" in conformity with the rules of <A REPORT to the PRESIDENT by the NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL on TIlE POSITION OF TIlE UNITED STATES WIlli RESPECT TO KOREA TIlE PROBLEM, March 22, 1949) 《NSC 8/2≫), US could in other words exercise political leverage over Seoul through its embassy.On the other hand, the ROK government also regarded the US Embassy in Korea as the most significant instrument through which it can reach Washington, The ROK government asked for the advices not only about US aid but also about other serious pending issues. In reality, US embassy and government intelVened according to circumstances in Seoul``s internal affairs Politically, the basic activities of the US Embassy in Korea were to collect information and send reports to Washington. The information gathered through formal and informal routes was at ftrst processed from the standpoint of the preparing members of the Embassy, Then it was reprocessed by senior staffs such as Ambassador Jone J. Muccio or Councilor Everett F. Drumright once more, These information and reports were used for the Department of State to establish the US policy regarding Korea as well as for US Embassy to do its work in Seoul. After closely examining the political activities of the US Embassy in Korea from 1948 to 1949, this study states that the focus of its activities changed since late 1949. From 1948 to 1949, the political activities of the Embassy was focused on the political stability of the newborn ROK. During this period, its situation was in turmoil due to some pending issues: the punishment of the pro-Japanese Koreans which had been yet to be solved and the conflict between the Rhee administration and the National Assembly. In these circumstances, the US Embassy decided that the stability of Rhee administration was much more important than the problem of decolonization or the independence of the National Assembly. Its judgement was that up to late 1949 the national security of South Korea was still very insecure. It also judged that the Korean National Assembly``s criticism on the administration was not the same thing as in the Western democracies, being nothing more than some national resentment or anger springing from the specific historical context of Korea. The US Embassy therefore overlooked or justified the anti-democratic measures of Rhee administration, and went so far as to behave as ROK``s protector from external intervention. From December 1949, however, the US Embassy and the Department of State took a dramatic turn of attitude. The security of ROK at that time was highly improved, but inflation arose. They thought that the economic crisis of South Korea originated from the arbitrary decisions and policies of president Syngman Rhee who had been conducting the national fInance on his own authority, At the point when the US was checking president Rhee in the interest of solving South Korea``s economic problem, Rhee was attempting to postpone the scheduled election in May 1950, The US Embassy and the Department of State quickly intervened in Rhee``s endeavor, and in the end he stepped back from his initial stance, Intervening in this political issue, US claimed to advocate the protection of democracy in South Korea, But behind the rhetoric of political slogans was its masked intention to check Rhee``s arbitrariness, Recanting its non-involvement policy of just some months ago, the US performed an active role, In sum, throughout these two years, the US Embassy was not only an institution that dealt with diplomatic issues generated in the Korean-American relations but also an advisor that directly intervened in South Korea``s domestic affairs.