[교과서 바로 보기 2] 고려시대 '중류'는 신분범주로 타당한가

김난옥 내일을 여는 역사 2005 내일을 여는 역사 Vol.19 No.-

고려전기 무신의 지위 -대거란전쟁 전후를 중심으로-

김난옥 한국중세사학회 2022 한국중세사연구 Vol.- No.68

Generally, a military official refers to the official in an opposite relationship with a civil official. According to the administrative system, the scope of military officials covers from the Sangjanggun (Grade 3) to Daejung which is not included in Grade 9. However, there was a clear distinction in the Daejung, Gyowi (Grade 9), and military officials over Grade 8 along with discrimination in the ceremony. In early Goryeo Dynasty, civil and military officials generally referred to all officials. In the colors of official uniforms designated in the 11th year of King Gwangjong, there was no distinction between the civil and military officials. In the stipend land system enforced in the first year of King Gyeongjong, there were officials who did not belong to both civil and military officials. The introduction of civil hierarchical system was the important momentum of division between civil and military officials. However, the civil hierarchical system was applied to both civil and military hierarchical system which was supposed to be provided to the military officials was applied to other groups. Furthermore, most of the military officials were excluded in discussing the matters related to appointment of local officials and discussion of political issues. This shows that the civil officials mainly operated the politics and that the civil and military officials were not treated equally in the discussion over state affairs. Meanwhile, the civil officials mainly took the military positions that commanded the troops during the Goryeo- Khitan War. Dobyeongmasa (National Security Bureau) which was established during the years of King Hyeonjong was designed to discuss the military and national security matters. However, it was mainly composed with the high-ranking civil officials. As the civil officials secured the military command authority and discussed the important military matters, the superior status of the civil officials was further strengthened. Before and after Goryeo- Khitan War, the military officials served the civil official positions together and the officials were sometimes switched to either civil or military officials. Although it was limited to special cases, the mutual exchange between the civil and military officials was still available. Nevertheless, the civil officials talented in literary and martial arts were praised while the military officials who got appointed as civil officials and rose to higher ranking still got discriminated as the former military official. Such double standard clearly shows the perception that regarded the civil officials superior over the military officials. 일반적으로 무신은 문신에 대응하는 관료를 의미하지만, 고려 초에는 문반과 무반의 양반체계가 확립되지 않은 데다가 무반과 군인의 경계도 불분명하였다. 직제상 무반의 범위는 정3품 상장군부터 품외 대정까지이나, 대정⋅교위는 산원 이상의 상위계층과 뚜렷하게 구별되었으며 의례상 지위는 문반의 입사서리와 비슷하였다. 고려 초의 문무백관은 대체로 관료 모두를 지칭하는 용어로 사용되었다. 광종 11년에 제정된 백관 공복의 복색도 문무의 구분이 없었으며, 경종 원년에 시행된 전시과 지급대상에서도 문⋅무⋅잡업 어디에도 포함되지 않는 고위관료가 존재하였다. 법제상 문⋅무반의 분화에서 문산계의 도입은 중요한 계기가 되었다. 하지만 문⋅무반 모두에게 문산계를 적용한 것은 무산계가 별도의 대상에게 주어졌다 해도 문신 중심으로 관제가 확립되었음을 부인할 수 없다. 더구나 목민관의 천거나 정치 현안을 논의하는 대상에서 대부분 무반을 제외했다는 사실은 문신 중심의 정치운영방식을 보여주는 동시에 국정 협의에서 무신을 문신과 동등하게 대우하지 않았음을 보여준다. 한편 대거란전쟁 시기 출정군의 지휘부는 거의 문신으로 구성되었다. 2차 거란의 침입 때 무신 안소광이 행영도병마사에 임명된 것을 제외하고는 대부분의 군직을 문신들이 차지하였다. 현종대에 설치된 도병마사는 문신인 재추 중심으로 구성되었으며, 문신들이 군사 지휘권을 장악하고 중요한 군사문제를 협의하는 방식은 문신의 우위적 지위를 더욱 강화하였다. 대거란전쟁을 전후한 시기에 무신이 문반 관직을 겸대하기도 하였고, 매우 제한적이기는 하지만 문⋅무반 사이에 개반(改班)이 이루어지기도 하였다. 비록 특수한 경우라는 한계성이 있지만 문⋅무반의 상호교통이 완전봉쇄되지는 않았다. 하지만 문반의 문무겸비는 칭송되면서도 무신이 문반 관직을 받고 고위직에 올라도 무반 출신임을 드러내서 강조하는 이중적 잣대에서 무신에 대한 문신의 우월적 지위를 당연시하는 당시의 인식이 잘 나타난다.

논문 : 원나라 사람의 고려 유배와 조정의 대응

김난옥 일지사(한국학보) 2005 韓國學報 Vol.31 No.1

충혜왕비 덕녕공주의 정치적 역할과 위상

김난옥 (사)한국인물사연구회 2010 한국인물사연구 Vol.14 No.-

The marriage of Princess Deoknyeong and King Chunghye was a marriage of convenience according to the interests of two countries, just like the usual case of princesses of Yuan Dynasty. King Chungsuk proceeded the intermarriage with Yuan Dynasty as a expedient to reinforce the royal power while defending Shimwangpa. The the far west sphere, family of Shasgaba(搠思班) was selected for the marriage in the honor of its practical commitment to Goryeo with distinguished military services. The marriage life of Princess Deoknyeong was not smooth. Because her father, Shasgaba was not only dead just one year after her marriage but her brothers were also dead 5 or 6 years after her marriage, she lost strong supporting forces. Accordingly her position in Goryeo became very narrow. Besides the involvement with a lot of women including his father`s concubine made her suffering from a severe pain. Finally King Chunghye was unfortunately dead on his way of banishment. Although Princess couldn't raise her voice while King was alive, her activities became remarkable after his death. Once the accession of her son, King Chungmok to the throne, she positioned in the center of the political power as the Queen regent. It was not just a formal and nominal regency but rather a practical and strong power. The domination of political power was secured through the exclusive authority over personnel in which the position of her close associates was at the center. The sphere supporting to the governance of Princess Deoknyeong were mostly deposed retainers of King Chunghye, of which the most remarkable roles were played by Shin Ye, Kang Yun Chung and Bae Jeon. Particularly Kang Yun Chung and Bae Jeon were the subject to be blamed of the immoral relations with Princess Deoknyeong, which might show a sort of compensation against King Chunghye's behaviors before his death. According to the political point of view, this was possibly exaggerated as a reaction to her wielding excessive power with the use of close associates. The qualification to regency of Princess Deoknyeong was continuously maintained even after the inauguration of King Chungjeong, son of Yunbi, however the situation at the Chungjeong era was different from that of Chungmok. It was because of not only the influence of pro-Yuan power but also the maternal relatives of Chungjeong. At the earlier stage of the Chungjeong era when the political bonding between Huibi, real mother of Chungjeong and Princess Deoknyeong was required urgently among each other, Princess Deoknyeong had influential power as regent but became to have counter relation with the other power including the close associates of King Chungjeong and legitimacy government officials. Her unexpected return to Yuan Dynasty in the second year of the King Chungjeong's ruling era was somewhat connected to her vanishing of political responsibility than that in the previous era. In terms of the regent role at the era of Chungmok and Chungjeong, Princess Deoknyeong is described by her power-oriented character with excellent political capability and skill. After loosing power in the politics at the end of King Chungjeong era, Princess Deoknyeong went back to Yuan Dynasty for four years and then returned to Goryeo living a quite life for the rest of her days with her daughter without any events. Princess Deoknyeong lived a dramatically mixed life of the early stage as a passive Queen and the late stage as an aggressive and skilled politician. Her existence was much more emphasized in the political role at the same time less significant because her bold execution of political power was counter to the betterment direction of Gyreo government.

이규보의 신분의식

김난옥 고대사학회 2001 사총 Vol.53 No.-

우리나라 학생평가 실태 연구: PISA 2015 참여국과의 국제비교를 중심으로

김난옥,손원숙 한국교육과정평가원 2019 교육과정평가연구 Vol.22 No.3

평가는 학습의 질과 방향을 결정짓는 중요한 요소로서 미래 핵심역량을 키우기 위한 학교교육의 변화에서 매우 중요한 위치를 차지한다. 본 연구에서는 세계 각국의 학생평가 체제를 총체적 관점에서 경험적으로 비교하여 국제 수준에서 한국의 평가체제 특징을 확인하고 학생평가 개선을 위한 시사점을 도출하고자 하였다. 국가 간 학생평가 비교를 위해 평가 거버넌스, 교사의 평가역량, 평가절차, 평가결과의 활용의 네 가지 범주로 구성된 분석틀을 수립하였으며, PISA 2015의 학교, 학생, 교사 설문 자료를 활용하였다. 그 결과, PISA 2015 참여국 수준을 고려할 때 한국의 학생평가 특징은 다음과 같았다. 첫째 평가 거버넌스와 관련하여 한국에서는 표준화검사를 강조하고 총괄적 목적으로 평가를 사용하고자 하는 의도가 높게 나타난 반면, 학교의 평가 자율성은 참여국 평균보다 높았다. 둘째 교사의 평가역량 측면에서 우리나라의 현직교사 평가역량 개발을 위한 프로그램 제공과 과학교사의 평가효능감 수준은 전체 참여국의 평균보다 낮게 나타났다. 셋째, 평가절차에서 과학교사 간의 평가 관련 협력 수준은 높게 나타났다. 교실수준에서 교사가 개발한 평가나 관찰 및 숙제보다는 표준화검사나 구술 중심의 평가유형 사용 비중이 높았으며, 성적 산출 시 성장이나 능력 참조준거의 활용 정도가 상대적으로 낮았다. 넷째, 평가결과의 활용과 관련하여 우리나라 학교들의 평가결과 활용도는 다른 국가에 비해 낮은 경향을 보였다. 이러한 결과를 바탕으로 학생평가 체제 비교를 위한 분석틀의 각 측면에서 한국의 학생평가 체제에 대한 시사점을 논의하였다. Education system around the world have been required changes to develop the students’ competencies. Specially student assessment is important in those changes as a factor that determines the quality and direction of learning. The purpose of this study is to empirically compare student assessment systems of the countries participating in PISA 2015 and to draw lessons from the results to improve student assessment system in Korea. For analyses, we used the analytical framework consisting of four categories: assessment governance, teachers’ assessment competency, assessment procedure and use of assessment results. As a result, the characteristics of the student assessment system in Korea were as follows. First, in terms of assessment governance, Korean schools would tend to put more stress on the use of standardized tests while the degree of school assessment autonomy was the higher than average. Second, teachers’ competency development program was offered lower in Korea compared to other countries. And science teachers’ assessment efficacy was significantly lower than average. Third, assessment cooperation among science teachers was higher than average. Also the proportion of latent profile using standardized test or oral test in the class was high in Korea. Fourth assessment results in Korea, the degree of use of assessment results for either formative or summative was the lower than in other countries. Finally, implications for to build better student assessment system in Korea are discussed.

초·중등 예비교사의 형성적 평가 경험과 숙달목표 및 학습을 위한 평가인식의 관계

김난옥,박정,손원숙 한국교육과정평가원 2020 교육과정평가연구 Vol.23 No.3

평가에 대한 교사의 인식은 교사가 수행하는 일련의 평가절차에 대한 의사결정의 해석틀로써 작용하기 때문에 특히 교사로서의 신념을 계발하기 시작하는 교사교육에서 교사의 평가인식 양상이나 역할에 대한 관심이 증가되고 있다. 본 연구에서는 평가의 주된 목적인 학습을 위한 평가인식에 주목하여, 초등 예비교사와 중등 예비교사 간의 ‘학습향상’ 평가인식 수준을 파악하고, 형성적 평가 경험과 숙달목표가 평가인식에 미치는 영향력을 분석하였다. 구체적으로 형성적 평가 경험에는 피드백의 경험, 피드백 질, 피드백 활용을 포함하였다. 분석대상은 충청 및 경상권 소재의 6개 교원양성기관에 재학 중인 초·중등 예비교사 총 557명이며, 분석결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째 잠재평균분석을 실시한 결과, 초등 및 중등 예비교사의 학습향상 평가인식에는 유의한 차이가 없었다. 둘째, 다집단 구조모형 분석 결과, 교원양성기관 유형과 상관없이 예비교사가 경험한 형성적 피드백은 피드백 질과 숙달목표에 정적효과를 보였으며, 피드백 질을 높게 지각하거나 숙달목표가 높을수록 피드백 활용에 긍정적인 영향을 주었다. 한편 형성적 피드백 자체는 학습향상 평가인식에 직접적으로 영향을 주지 않았지만, 피드백 질과 피드백 활용, 숙달목표와 피드백 활용을 통한 간접효과는 유의하였다. 이 결과를 바탕으로 예비교사의 긍정적인 평가인식 발달을 위한 교육적 시사점을 제안하고, 평가인식의 영향요인에 대한 추가적인 탐색의 필요성을 논의하였다. The purpose of this study was to examine the relationships of pre-service teachers’ formative assessment experience and mastery goal orientation with their conceptions of assessment. Especially, the improvement conception which is regarded as a core feature of ‘Assessment for Learning(AfL)’ and the structural relationships with its antecedent variables such as formative assessment experience and mastery goal orientation were scrutinized. Structural equation modeling analysis was used to analyze data collected from a sample of elementary and secondary pre-service teachers(N = 557) from teachers’ colleges located in four districts of Korea. The results were as follows. By the latent mean analysis, the conception of assessment for learning was not significantly different across elementary and secondary pre-service teachers. Second, the structural relationships between pre-service teachers’ improvement conception and its antecedent variables were equivalent across the two groups. Thirdly, the formative feedback had a positive effect on the quality of feedback and mastery goal orientation, while it did not make any significant direct effect on the improvement conception. The effects of the three mediating variables such as the quality of feedback, use of feedback and mastery goal orientation between the formative feedback and the improvement conception were statistically significant. Finally, the educational implications for developing pre-service teachers’ positive conceptions of assessment were discussed and this paper concludes with importance of the formative assessment experience for per-service teachers’s conceptions and practice.

[역비논단]고려시대 유배길

김난옥 역사비평사 2004 역사비평 Vol.- No.68

교사의 특성과 피드백이 초등학생의 정의적, 인지적 성취에 미치는 영향

김난옥,박민애,이빛나,손원숙 한국교육과정평가원 2018 교육과정평가연구 Vol.21 No.2

본 연구에서는 초등교실에서 나타나는 학생의 정의적, 인지적 성취에 대한 교사의 피드백 효과 및 교사의 피드백 수행에 영향을 주는 교사특성 요인을 탐색하고자 하였다. 이를 위해 경기교육종단연구 초4 패널의 1차년도 데이터를 활용하였으며, 자료의 위계적 구조를 반영하여 2수준 다층구조방정식모형을 적용하였다. 1수준(학생)에서는 담임교사의 피드백 수행에 대한 학생의 인식이 자기효능감, 수업태도 및 숙제태도와 학업성취도 등의 정의적, 인지적 성취에 영향을 주는지 살펴보았다. 2수준(교사)에서는 피드백을 2가지 유형(확인적 피드백, 정교화 피드백)으로 나누어 교사의 피드백 수행에 영향을 주는 교사특성을 탐색하고, 교사의 피드백이 학업성취에 미치는 영향에서 학생 피드백 인식의 매개효과를 확인하였다. 연구결과 첫째, 교사특성 중 확인적 피드백에는 숙제가치와 학교만족도가 유의한 정적 영향을 주었으며, 수업자율성은 부적인 영향을 주었다. 한편 정교화 피드백에는 교수효능감과 숙제가치가 유의한 정적 영향을 주었으며, 교수효능감의 효과크기가 상대적으로 컸다. 둘째, 교사의 피드백과 학생 피드백 인식, 학업성취도와의 관계를 살펴본 결과, 교사의 정교화 피드백이 학생 피드백 인식에 유의한 정적 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났으나, 교사의 피드백이 학생의 학업성취도 향상에 직접적인 영향을 주지는 않았다. 셋째, 학생 피드백 인식은 자기효능감, 수업태도 및 숙제태도에 대한 직접효과와 자기효능감과 학습노력을 매개하여 학업성취도에 간접효과를 갖는 것으로 나타났다. 이상의 연구결과를 바탕으로 시사점과 추후 연구를 위한 제언을 제시하였다. The purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship between the feedback effect on student’s affective and cognitive achievement and the feedback practices of teacher in elementary classroom based on multi-level SEM analyses using GEPS 1st Data. In the first level (student), we examined whether the student’s perceived feedback affects affective and cognitive achievement such as self-efficacy, student engagement, attitude towards homework and academic achievement. In the second level (teacher), we divided the feedback into two types (verification and elaboration) and investigated teacher characteristics on feedback practices. Also we analyzed mediation effect of student’s perceived feedback in the influence of teacher’s feedback practices to academic achievement. The main results of this study are as follows. First, value of homework and satisfaction teacher feel at the school influenced on verification feedback positively. Teacher autonomy had negative effect on verification feedback. Elaboration feedback was affected positively by teacher efficacy and value of homework. Second, teacher’s feedback practices is related to perceived feedback of students. However, academic achievement dose not appear to be directly affected by teacher’s feedback. Third, student’s perceived feedback had the direct effect on self-efficacy, student engagement and attitude towards homework and the indirect effect on academic achievement through those affective achievement. Finally, implications of the study and recommendations for future research were discussed.

『고려사절요』卒記의 기재방식과 성격

김난옥 고려사학회 2012 한국사학보 Vol.- No.48

The description methods used in obituaries (jalgi) during the Goryeo era generally consisted of a mention of government office and peerage followed by praise or censure of tbe deceased. However. while 30% of obituaries consisted of simple descriptions of the office and peerage of the deceased 20% involved lengthy obituaries that included the office and peerage. praise and censure. family pedigree, background, related episodes, and follow up measures. The individuals found in the obituaries (jolgi) were mainly high ranking ministers. 85% of the obituaries involved officials of 2 pum or higher. Over 50% were officials from the Jungseo Munhaseong (Chancellery for State Affairs). By the time late Goryeo rolled around, the number of cases that included descriptions of the status of the deceased based on investitures rather than official titles had increased. 93% of obituaries appeared in both the <Goryeosa (高麗史, History of Goryeo)> and <Goryeosa Jeolyo (高麗史節要, Essentials of Goryeo History)>. Moreover, there were only a few cases in which, although an obituary was prepared, such information was not also reproduced in the sega (世家, noble family history) of the deceased. The majority of the sega included only the offices and peerage of the deceased. However, the obituaries found in the <Goryeosa Jeolyo (高麗史節要, Essentials of Goryeo History)> included biographical information and episodes pertaining to the person, such as the family pedigree and background, and therefore exhibited a wider range of information about the deceased than the sega. This can be attributed to the fact that the role played by biographies (yeoljeon) in the <Goryeosa (高麗史, History of Goryeo)> was in many ways replicated by the obituaries (jolgi) in the <Goryeosa Jeolyo (高麗史節要, Essentials of Goryeo History)>. A look at the compilation process of the <Goryeo Guksa (高麗國史, History of the Garyeo State)> leads to the conclusion that the obituaries (joigi) found in the <Goryeosa Jeolyo (高麗史節要, Essentials of Garyeo History)> were more in keeping with the original form of the <Goryeo Sillok (高麗實錄, Annals of Garyeo Dynasty)> than the biographies (yeoljeon) fOood in the <Goryeosa (高麗史, History of Garyeo)>. While access to various materials from not only the <Goryeo Sillok (高麗實錄, Annals of Garyeo Dynasty)> but also the epitaphs and works of the deceased ensured a quantitative increase in biographies (yeoljeon), there remained some leeway to include contradictory contents from the original records or to embellish the original contents. Furthermore, the omission of the biographies of Confucian scholarship (yurimjeon) from the biographies (yeoljeon) found in the <Goryeosa (高麗史, History of Garyeo)> can be explained by the fact that the obituaries (jolgi) found in the (Goryeo Sillok (高麗實錄, Annals of Goryeo Dynasty)> mostly involved high ranking officials. To this end, it was difficult to include Confucian scholars, which maintained a certain dislance from the government bureaucracy, in the biographies (yeolieon) found in the (Goryeosa (高麗史, History of Goryeo)>.