신라 왕실 삼성(三姓)의 연원

김기흥(Kim Ki-Heung) 한국고대사학회 2011 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.0 No.64

신라의 김씨는 진흥왕대에 대중국 외교 관계에서 처음 사용되었다. 『北齊書』에 보이는 신라왕 ‘김진흥’은 ‘왕인 진흥’으로 ‘김’은 ‘왕’의 의미이다. 김씨 왕실의 바로 앞에 있었던 다른 부계 혈통의 ‘예전 왕’들은 ‘옛 왕’ 즉 ‘석김(昔金)’에서 왕을 나타내는 ‘김’을 피하고 석(昔)만을 남겨 구분한 듯하다. 석씨에 앞서 집권하였던 왕실 계통은 시조 혁거세의 이름에 보이는 ‘광명’의 의미를 취하여 ‘박’이란 성씨로 구별하였다. 三姓은 석씨계 집단의 도태 후에 칭해진 것으로서 씨족이나 족단들이 준별되는 상태에서 賜姓하여 준 것이 아니었다. 기존 왕계에 따라 성씨를 나누고, 왕실과 친연관계가 있는 귀족들에 대하여는 부계 혈연관계에 따라 구분하여 가다가 결국 상대적 친소정도에 의해 성씨를 구별하였던 것이다. 그런데 이들 지배층은 누대의 정치적 연합과 통혼관계를 통하여 복합적인 혈연관계를 형성하고 있었다. 이에 중고기 성골왕실의 근친혼이 강화되며 권부의 핵심에서 도태되었던 박씨계에 대해 김씨계는 여전히 혈연적 유대감을 갖기도 하였다. 김씨 왕비가 대외적으로 박씨를 칭하기도 하고, 신라 말에는 김씨였을 가능성이 있는 신덕왕이 박씨를 칭하는 일도 나타났다. 신덕왕은 견훤이나 궁예 등이 신성한 자임을 선전하는 중에 신라 왕실의 권위를 다시 세우고자 퇴락한 김씨왕계 대신 신라 초기 왕계인 박씨의 원손임을 천명하는 복고적 행태를 보였다. 한편, 김씨의 경우 7세기에 이르러 김알지 이외에 중국의 신화적 제왕인 소호금천씨를 시조로 보는 인식이 나타났다. 국제화의 진전 속에 왕실의 위상을 제고하기 위한 정체성의 확대 시도이며, 아울러 국가 중추세력으로 등장한 가야계 김씨까지를 포괄하기 위한 것이었다. 시조를 중국의 신화적 존재로 설정하게 되자 중국의 김씨 시조인 김일제도 먼 일족 정도로 인식할 수 있게 되었다. ‘대당고김씨부인묘명’에는 소호금천씨를 세조로 김일제를 원조라고 하고 그의 후손들이 요동에 피난한 양 말하였다. 그런데 김씨부인이 중국내에 본관을 둔 ‘경조(京兆) 김씨’ 임을 분명히 하고 중국내 연원 관계를 강조하고 있다. 따라서 이 묘명의 성씨 관련 내용은 재당 신라계 귀화인들의 경계인적 사고방식에서 적극 윤색된 것으로 신라 김씨 왕실의 연원을 그대로 말한 것으로 볼 수 없다. Kim, one of the three House names(Kim, Seok, Park) that were used by members of the Shilla royal family, seems to have been used for the first time in 565, by King Jin’heung-wang in his diplomatic dealings with China. At the time, the full and formal name that was used to refer to the Shilla king in diplomatic occasions was ‘Kim Jinheung.’ From the fact that such title literally meant ‘King Jin-heung,’ we can see that the term ‘Kim’ actually had the meaning of ‘King.’ It seems that the houses which provided former kings(which would make them ‘former royal families’), yet now stripped of power and shut out by the Kim House members, were not allowed to use the name ‘Kim,’ as such last name would falsely indicate that they were the present house in power making kings. They may have only been allowed to use the name ‘Seok-Kim(昔金),’ which would have meant ’Past king’ with the prefix ‘Seok(昔),’ while ‘Kim’ alone would be the equivalent of ‘(Present) King.’ Meanwhile, the descendants of kings and Houses which predated the ‘Seok’ kings and its house were also present at the time, and have been part of the Shilla dynasty’s central nobility class for quite some time. They were not to be referred to as ‘Seok.’ So they distinguished themselves with the last name ‘Park,’ which reflected the meaning of the term ‘Gwang’myeong(“light”)’ that can be found inside the Founder Hyeok’-geo‘se’s name. (‘Hyeok’geo‘se’ is usually referred to as “Park Hyeok‘geo’se”). Then in the 7th century, a new perspective to view the name Kim started to emerge. Unlike the previous thinking which believed that Kim Al-ji, the origin of the last name Kim, was the beginning of the house, the new idea came to argue that the mythical emperor of China, ‘Soho Geumcheon,’ was the true beginning and origin of the Kim house family members. This seems to have been a result of the Shilla government’s overall efforts to lift the status of the king and also enhance its importance in the process, as it became necessary for the Shilla dynasty to boost its image and establish its prowess throughout the East Asian region. Once the founder of the House name Kim was established as an ancient and also mythical being from China’s past, another historical figure named Kim Il-je(金日?), the origin of the Chinese last name Kim and whose origin can also be traced to the Huns(‘匈奴’), came to be considered as a distant relative of the Shilla royal family as well, and even be recorded in Shilla epitaphs. This caused a debate concerning the matter of whether or not the Shilla royal Kim family was related to the Hun tribes, yet the possibility of the Shilla Kim house descending from the Huns is nearly nonexistent.

동북아지역의 경제통합이 지속가능 무역에 미치는 영향 - 한 , 중 , 일의 국제환경협력을 중심으로 -

김기흥(Ki Heung Kim) 한국국제통상학회 2002 국제통상연구 Vol.7 No.1

This paper studies empirically whether more stringent domestic environmental policies reduce the international competitiveness of environmentally sensitive goods(ESGs). The finding is that the export performance of ESGs for most of the countries remained unchanged despite the introduction of stringent environmental standards in most of the developed countries. The observed phenomenon is put into a multi-country econometric test using an extended gravity equation model. We test two hypotheses explicitly. The first is whether countries with higher stringency of environmental regulations lower their exports of ESGs and non-resource-based ESGs. The second is whether new trade barriers emerge to offset the trade effects of more stringent environmental policy. Our results reject the above two hypotheses, suggesting that countries with more stringent environmental regulations do not reduce their exports of ESGs and non-resource-based ESGs, and that new trade barriers do not emerge to offset the trade effects of more stringent environmental policy in significant way.

통합교육 및 특수학급운영에 대한 특수학급교사와 통합학급교사의 인식에 관한 질적 연구: 부산지역의 특수학급이 설치된 초등학교를 중심으로

김기흥 ( Ki Heung Kim ) 한국특수아동학회 2009 특수아동교육연구 Vol.11 No.2

高句麗 建國神話의 검토

金基興(Kim Ki-Heung) 한국사연구회 2001 한국사연구 Vol.113 No.-

서동설화의 역사적 진실

金基興(Kim Ki-heung) 역사학회 2010 역사학보 Vol.0 No.205

The Seodong story described in Samguk Yusa tells us a tale of the 30th king of Baekje, King Mu. The story is essentially a combination of three individual stories, have previously been separated, yet later merged. In the early 7th century, the people who were living in Baekje's Geum'majeo region seem to have inserted Baekje's neighboring country Shilla into a folklore story of princess Seonhwa. They must have done so in order to make the story more dramatic and realistic. Shilla's king Jinpyeong is described as the father of the princess. Seodong, husband of princess Seonhwa, would have been a poor person in the original folklore version, yet the character was turned into a person who in the end even ascended to the throne of Baekje. And it was because, after all, he was portrayed as the son-in-law of the Shilla king. Such changes to the story were done to raise the drama level of the overall story, and it led to a format change from the original narrative structure. But most of all, such changes represented the people's strong hope to end the war and finally invite peace. The idea that the royal families of both Baekje and Shilla, between which a hostile relationship continued for a long time, formed a matrimonial relationship and achieved peace with each other, must have come from the people of the region of Geum'majeo, which was a vital traffic and defense point connecting Baekje and Shilla. They would have been occasionally getting wind of certain Shilla-related events, and used their imagination to concoct a story of reconciliation and peace. The birth tale of Baekje king's Mu, which would have been a separate story in the past, must have been added to the story as a result. King Mu wanted to establish Geum'majeo as yet another capital for the dynasty. So he constructed a palace and also the magnificent Mi'reuk-sa temple. Yet two decades later, Baekje collapsed in 660, and this region became part of Shilla's territory, Also, the Goguryeo refugees who surrendered to Shilla moved over to this region and founded a country named Bodeok-guk in 670. The Baekje refugees of this region had to forfeit their sovereignty once again. And the fact that Bodeok-guk was forcibly dismantled by the Shilla authorities in 684 did not help them either. The Baekje refugees of this Geum'majeo region went through a lot in a considerably short period of time, and it was only natural for them to look back their own past, their own history and identity. They began to examine the stories that were directly about their home region, and they would have decided to spread such stories with dramatic flavors which would facilitate such spreading of stories. So the marriage story between Seodong and princess Seonhwa, and the legend of Mi'reuk-sa temple's construction, were merged with each other. It seems that the Baekje refugees of Geum'majeo built the overall story structure and shared and transmitted it together, but it also looks like the Shilla people during the Unified Shilla period provided a little editing and correction to the material as well, The lines were slightly modified, and Goryeo's Il'yeon, head editor and author of Samguk Yusa, would have added some things as well. As we can see, the Seodong story inside Samguk Yusa was a combination of a fictional story fondly recited by people, with real life elements(Shilla king Jinpyeong). As a result, the internal structure of the story changed, and the line between fiction and facts became difficult to ascertain, And in the Unified Shilla period, the legend of the Mi'reuk-sa temple was added to the tale of Seodong and princess Seonhwa's marriage. Folklores and legends are different in nature, and the level of presented factual details are different as well, so determining which part is based upon fact and which part is not is an extremely difficult task. In the meantime, we shall all refrain from resorting to a tendency considering contents of a myth or tale, as things

장애인에 대한 태도의 기독교 세계관적 차별성 탐색

김기흥 ( Ki-heung Kim ) 기독교학문연구회 2022 신앙과 학문 Vol.27 No.1

본 연구의 목적은 오늘날 교회와 그리스도인들이 세상과는 엄연히 구별되는 창조-타락-구속-완성의 기독교적 세계관을 바탕으로 올바른 장애인관을 정립하기 위한 주요 시사점을 찾는데 있다. 이에 먼저 역사의 개관과 최근의 선행연구를 통하여 장애인에 대한 일반적인 사회적 태도를 알아본다. 이어서 성경 속에서 장애인과 관련된 기록을 살펴보고, 또 선행연구를 통하여 기독교계의 장애인에 대한 태도를 고찰한다. 이러한 연구결과를 바탕으로 기독교 세계관적 장애인관을 정립하기 위한 시사점은 다음과 같다. 첫째, 현대 교회와 기독교인들은 세상과 분명히 구분되는 확고한 기독교 세계관을 정립해야 한다. 둘째, 모든 인간은 하나님의 형상대로 창조된 가치 있고 의미 있는 존엄한 존재이다. 셋째, 교회 및 기독교인의 본질적인 정체성과 사명감을 재인식해야 한다. 넷째, 신학자와 목회자들의 반성적 성경해석이나 강론 등 적극적인 개선 의지와 실천노력이 중요한 기초이다. The purpose of this study is to find the main implications for establishing a correct view of the disabled based on the Christian worldview of creation, fall, redemption, and completion, in which churches and Christians are clearly distinguished from the world. To this end, we first examine the general social attitude toward the disabled through an overview of history and recent preceding studies. Next, we examine the records related to the disabled in the Bible, and examine the Christian attitude toward the disabled through previous studies. Based on these research results, the implications for establishing a Christian worldview of the disabled are as follows. First, the modern church and Christians must establish a firm Christian worldview that is clearly distinct from the world. Second, all human beings are valuable, meaningful and dignified beings created in the image of God. Third, the essential identity and sense of mission of the church and of Christians must be recognised. Fourth, the active will of improvement and practical efforts such as reflective Bible interpretation and sermons of theologians and pastors is an important foundation.

한ㆍ미 FTA의 경제적 효과

김기흥(Ki-Heung Kim) 한국관세학회 2008 관세학회지 Vol.9 No.1

The Korea - US Free Trade Agreement(FTA) provides a unique window on the effects of trade liberalization It was an unusually clan trade policy exercise in that it was not bundled into a larger package of market reforms. This paper uses the Korea - US FTA experience to examine the short-run adjustment and long-run efficiency gains flow from trade liberalization. Our paper deals with econometrics developments for the estimation of the gravity model which lead to convergent parameter estimates even when a correlation exists between the explanatory variables and the specific unobservable characteristics of each unit. We implement panel data econometrics techniques to characterize bilateral trade flows between heterogeneous economies. Our econometrics results highlight the importance of the taking into account of unobservable heterogeneity to obtain a specification in accordance with data prosperities and unbiased coefficients. The fixed effects factor decomposition(FEVD) technique appears the more suitable for this purpose, Ore econometric results provide evidence in favor of the traditional trade theory based on comparative advantage which suggest a relocation of labor intensive industry towards Korea-US FTA generating a complementary specialization. The tariff cuts raised labour productivity of 2.0 percent and by 3.5 percent for manufacturing due to FTA. The tariff cuts raised labour productivity by a compounded annual rate of 0.2 percent and by 0.35 percent for manufacturing. The FTA intensity tariff raised labor productivity of 0.27 percent and by 0.31 percent. We have considered two channels through which the formation of a FTA improves productivity of the economy. First, if a country forms Korea-US FTA it can increase the volume of trade not only with member countries but also with non-member countries, which contributes to higher productivity growth. Second, we allowed another possibility for a FTA to directly influence productivity by forcing institutional reforms and encourage skill transfers.

동아시아 지역 국가의 성장요인과 R & D 파급효과 분석 ( 경제학문헌연보 주제분류 : F1 , O4 )

김기흥 ( Ki Heung Kim ) 한국경제학회 1998 經濟學硏究 Vol.46 No.2

본 연구는 동아시아지역의 성장요인 가운데 동아시아지역에서 TFP의 증가와 선진국으로부터의 R&D 자본스톡 증가로 인한 파급효과와의 관계를 밝히는 데 그 목적이 있다. 본 논문에서는 1971-1993년의 기간 동안에 동아시아지역 경제성장의 주요 결정요인을 분석하는 데 단순한 초월대수함수 형태에 의하여 총요소생산성(TFP)을 추정하였다. 자본의 평균비중은 일본, 한국, 대만의 순으로 높으며 노동의 평균 비중은 말레이시아, 태국, 대만의 순으로 높다. 산출량의 증가에 대한 기여도에서 노동의 기여도가 태국이 2.4%로 가장 높고, 말레이시아가 1.1%로 가장 낮다. 한편, 자본축적의 기여도에서 일본, 싱가포르와 한국은 각각 5.6%, 4.3%와 4.0%로 높은 반면에 말레이시아는 2.8%로 낮다. 동아시아지역의 경우에 미국으로부터의 R&D 파급효과 (spillover effect)가 크다. 예를 들면, 미국의 R&D자본스톡의 1% 증가는 동아시아 4개 국가들의 총요소생산성을 평균 2.7% 증가시킨다. 또한 일본의 R&D스톡의 1% 증가는 일본을 제외한 동아시아 국가들의 총요소생산성을 평균 2.54% 증가시킨다. 반면에 영국, 독일, 프랑스의 R&D스톡의 증가는 이들 국가에 미치는 효과가 1.3%, 0.5%, 0.38%로 미약하다.

新羅의 聖骨

金基興(Kim Ki-heung) 역사학회 1999 역사학보 Vol.164 No.-

발해 건국집단의 역사적 정체성

김기흥(Kim, Ki-heung) 역사학회 2011 역사학보 Vol.0 No.210

The founders of the Balhae kingdom mostly consisted of the people of the late Goguryeo and their allied tribe of Sog"mal Mal"gal which had been loyal to the Goguryeo Dynasty. On account of the duality of its origin, the Balhae kingdom was reported in the historical records of both Tang and Silla Balhae, sometimes as a successor of Goguryeo, yet more oftentimes as a kingdom with Mal"gal tribe predominant among its population. In this article, existing records related to the history of Balhae are reexamined in order to prove that Balhae"s historical identity was largely that of a successor state to the Goguryeo dynasty, in spite of its multi-faceted nature in terms of tribal descent and bloodlines. After the Balhae people defeated Tang, they intended to found a dynasty in the "Old land of Gye"ru" 桂婁 故地, which essentially translates to "the old land of Goguryeo." They also named the fortress where their first capital proudly stood Mt. "Dongmo-san," and called it the "Mountain of Dongmyeong," who was the founder of the Goguryeo dynasty. Further evidence can be found in the title of the eldest son of Dae Jo-yeong, who was called ‘The King of Gye"rugun 桂婁郡王, in order to display his and his seat"s Goguryeo ancestry. Finally and most importantly, Dae Jo-yeong appears to have been Goguryeo, rather than Mal"gal with regard to ethnicity.