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      • 平和共存에 관한 硏究 : Centering on America, Russia and Communist China

        金官楷 건국대학교 1980 論文集 Vol.12 No.1

        The term 'Peaceful Co-existence' means that the nations who have different systems live peacefully on earth, and thus the capitalist countries and the socialist countries realistically co-exist without struggles. The idea of peaceful co-existence came into being since Russian Revolution in 1917. Soviet Russia who was devastated because of the war, had toseek the peaceful co-existence with the capitalist countries by peace making after her successful revolution. The capitalist countries in Europe and the socialist Soviet Russia, in spite of their different systems, were allied to win victory against Fascism. This gave the ground that although they have different socio-political system they can live together through foreign policy of peaceful co-existence. From this, the foreign policy of peaceful co-existence has derived. The economic devastation and spiritual exhaustion of the world during the World War II compelled all the nations to seek peace. Under these circumstances, the idea of peaceful coexistence has grown to be reconized widely. After World War II, particularly from the end of 1950s to the middle of 1969s, this idea prevailed, and Soviet Russia also supported this very much. Even though Soviet Russia, after World War II, initiated the communist revolution in many places, she had to push forward the policy of peaceful co-existence. Khrushchev emphasized it through his address at the 20th congress of Soviet Communist Party in 1956. Communist China, too, presented the principles of peaceful co-existence. It became a basic principle since Cuban Crisis in 1962 between America and Soviet Russia. The reasons why a policy of peaceful co-existence was adopted are as follow. 1. After world war II, the power structure of the world was divided into two camps, Eastern and Western, and these two camps have been in opposite relationship with each other and so-called state of cold war developed. 2. The breakdown of colonialism and the process of independence of many new nations made it more necessary. For the newly independent countries to survive safely, they needed peaceful coexistence. 3. The character of war has changed owing to the development of nuclear weapons and missiles. The future of mankind is threatened by the nuclear war which can bring about extermination of all human being. In fear of this, the nuclear powers could turn to better relationships with each other. Thus, in 1963, America and Soviet Russia could partly agree on the nuclear test ban agreement, and establish hot-line, and could have enjoyed so·called Pax Russo-Americana. Since then, the peaceful coexistence between Eastern and Western camp has become a basic fomular of diplomacy, and today even the divined countries accept it. In future, the problem of peaceful coexistence will become and importantant subject of the international politics.

      • 第 3 'Ideology'의 한 試論 : Ideology 終焉 以後의 Ideology

        김관해 성화대학교 1993 成和論叢 Vol.- No.2

        The purpose of this study was to investigate the heat transfer and friction characteristics of 7mm louver finned-tube exchangers. Evaporators used to the present study were the finned-tube type. Tested finned-tube evaporators was changed configuration parameters such as fin type, row number, tube diameter. To control the temperature, velocity and humidity of inlet air flow, a heat wind tunnel was used. The experimental results show that the heat transfer and friction of 7mm evaporator(3 row) are more higher above 30% than those of 9.52mm evaporator. And it is observed that the heat transfer and friction performance of the evaporator with louver fin was higher above 5%,compared with those of slit fin.

      • 中ㆍ蘇紛爭이 北韓에 미치는 影響 : 中共의 對北韓關係를 中心으로(1958年-1970年) Communist China's Relationship with the North Korea

        金官楷 건국대학교 1983 論文集 Vol.17 No.1

        It is the communist North Korea whice had intensely influenced by the Sino-Soviet dispute durini the last twenty years. Kim, Il-Sung Regime had been dragged on awkward situation when the dispute of the two countries had been intensified. His friendliness of one side, either Mosco or peking, seemed to have regarded as his betrayal to another side or an act of hostility. However, it is not so easy to maintain Congenial relations for both sides when the dispute of ideology and the struggle for hegemony has become intensified between the two countries. Therefore, Kim 11-Sung had to taken more fleyible and opportunistic attitude in the middle of the corfrontation among the super power. North Korea had pursued pro-Soviet and Pro-peking policy simultaneously from 1956 to 1959, had maintained neutrality from 1961 to 1962, Pro-peking from 1962 to 1963, anti-Soviet from 1964 to 1965 and has been taken autoromous line since 1966. Kim Il-Sung's autonomous policy is a product of a trend of diversification as the international communism has become disintegrated caused by the Sino-Soviets dispute. In the middle of this diversified pheromena of the international communism, North Korea has been obtained the right to a voice and a political stand in internal stand in internal and external affairs as an ally of Communist China and the Soveit Union. Sino-Soviet dispute which had expanded from a ideological dispute in the latter 1950s to the open attacking period had influenced not only the political situation of communist countries but also the international relations all over the world. The altitude of the leaders of North Korea has offered some interesting clues about the characters and scope of the dispute itself, and has provided an attitude of foreign policy such a minor Country like North Korea whice had to caught up in a dispute. Scholars on North Korean issues shared the Same feeling that North Korean leaders had pursued neutral policy during the period of 1956∼1961 when the Sino-Soviet dispute was under progress as way of dialogue. But internal affairs of North Korea showed completely different aspect in the same Span of time. Analizing strategy of North Koreas as year of North Korea as year of 1956 to 1961, we can see that the ecomomic development Policy of North Korea wsa largely based on Mao Tae-tung's developmental mode not only the autonomous policy and the policy towards the masses, and political control were practiced in Red China and in North Korea sa well. Collectivizing movement, 'Chunrima Movement, and 'Chungsan Ri Movement(mode)' were probably came from the Great Leaf Movement in Communist China. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the relationship between Red China and North Korea and their gradual improvement of relations dated back Chou En-lae's the first official visit to North Korea in February ly58 and his many other visits of the country though April 1970, and I intended to prove some important factors of political changes which has made cooperation of loaders in both sides. Following are the issues which have risen and have discussed in this thesis; (1) Firstly, Sino-Soviet dispute and automomous policy of North Korea, and what are the most important factors which have influenced on gradual collectivitism for political System, and what are the central issues which have leaders of the both parties? (2) Secondly, what are the fields in which Red China and North Korea have different views? What is the common interests of the leaders of above two developmental strategies on same processes of developmental stages according to the beginning of the Sino-Soviet dispute. (3) Thirdly, North Korea suffered greatly in the Swirl of the Severe hostility of Sino-Soviet relationship by maintaining close ties with the Soviet Union and has estranged to Communist China vice vdrsa, has been made great efforts in maintaining same distance policy(등거리정책) toward Communist China and the Soviet Union. (4) Fourth , the purpose of this thesis is to analize influence on North Korea caused by Sino-Soviet dispute.

      • 中共의 外交政策과 韓半島 : In Its New Political Leadership after the Cultural Revolution 文化革命 以後 새로운 指導階層을 中心으로

        金官楷 건국대학교 1983 論文集 Vol.16 No.1

        Structural changes are occuring in international relations that was built after the world War II. Tight bipolar system which symbolized the 1950s' international polities had changed toward loose bipolar system gradually approaching 1960's, and toward multipolar system in 1970's. What type of international political system would be created in 1980's. As a member of international society, Communist China came to take an important role, especially without mentioning the United States and the Soviet Union which has direct relationships with south and north Korea respectively, Communist China as a member of the standing Committee, the Security Council of the United Nations, will represent opinions and interests in East Asia, their approaches to the issue for south and north Korea's unification are one of the barometers of appraisal for their tractions taken to the international political world. In this thesis I intended to deal with the context of communist China's foreign policy established by new political loaders after the Cultural Revolution and to study its relationship with the unification of Korean peninsula. Because of the Communist China's real intention about Korea is still lying on the building of one state under the communist leadership after the perfect withdrawal of the United States' forces from south Korea, Korea has been the creasing place to meet the alternative interests of four great power states (the United States, Japan, the Soviet Union and Communist China). The main purposes of this thesis are ; 1) to trace the process of foreign policies in Communists China in 1970's. 2) to stuffy the unification strategies and think about Korea's unification, 3) to study the relationship between Communist China's foreign policy and Korean peninsula. Especially the colours of policy making in Communist China after the Cultural Revolution are more practical one haying flexibilities in international relations, and it seemed that the degree portion of their importance in policy making depend on present political situation rather than ideology. Comunist China will not together with the both sides' great power slates and will remain one of 「the third bloc」 as Chou En-lai's assertion. And they will give economic assistances to the underdeveloped countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America. Communist China's aspects on the Korean Problem will be focuses on (1) the withdrawal of external forces from south Korea, (2) its solution must be found within the nation by themselves, and these facts will force leaders of south and north Korea to re-evaluate new balance of power and urge them to establish new foreign policy and unification strategy.

      • KCI우수등재

        파욱 수행과 마하시 수행의 찰나삼매(刹那三昧) 비교

        김관해 불교학연구회 2017 불교학연구 Vol.50 No.-

        본 논문의 목적은 파욱 수행에서 찰나삼매와 마하시 수행에서 찰나삼매가 어떻게 다른지를 밝히는데 있다. 파욱 수행에서 찰나삼매는 두 가지로 나누어진다. 첫 번째 찰나삼매는 하나의 대상에 집중하여 근접삼매에 이르기 전 준비단계에서 나타나는 것이고 두 번째 찰나삼매는 선정에 들었다 출정하여 위빠사나를 진행할 때 나타나는 것이다. 한편 마하시 수행에서는 초보 수행자들의 집중력을 향상시키기 위해 명칭붙이기 등을 통해 집중력을 계발하여 찰나삼매에 도달한다. 선정에 들기 위하여 하나의 대상에 집중하지는 않지만 명칭을 붙이는 것으로도 개념을 통해 움직이는 대상에 머무는 역할을 하게 된다. 결국 수행자는 한 대상에 머물러 빛이 나타나게 되는 파욱의 사마타 수행과 유사한 개념적 현상을 활용하여 찰나삼매에 도달하게 되는 것을 볼 수 있다. 즉 사마타와 위빠사나를 함께 진행하면서 사마타 수행에서 경험하는 선지요소들을 갖추게 된다. 정리하면 파욱 수행은 선정에 들었다가 출정하여 찰나삼매로 위빠사나를 수행하는 것이고 마하시 수행은 선정에 들 수 있을 정도의 강력한 힘은 있지만 선정에 머무르지 않고 위빠사나를 진행한다는 것이다. 출발선은 사마타와 위빠사나로 각각 다르지만 양쪽 모두 선정이라는 정점에 이르게 되고 찰나삼매라는 집중의 힘으로 위빠사나를 수행한다는 유사한 결론에 도달하게 된다. 차이점은 파욱 수행에서 근접삼매 이전에 준비단계에서도 찰나삼매를 활용한다는데 있다. The purpose of this study is to clarify the difference of momentary concentration (khaṇika samādhi) between Pa-Auk method and Mahasi method. In the meditation way prescribed by Pa-Auk Sayadaw, momentary concentration can be attained in two ways. One is by focusing on single object. Momentary concentration emerges right before the access concentration as a preparatory sign. The other one is by exiting from aborption. Praticioners use this momentary concentration when proceeds the vipassanā practice. On the other hand, in the meditation method by Mahasi Sayadaw, practitioners achieve momentary absorption by developing concentration power through ways such as labeling objects etc. They are not focusing on one single object but labeling objects makes their mind staying on moving objects through conceptual way. Pratitioner can achieve momentary concentration by utilizing conceptual phenomenon. That is similar to Pa-Auk samatha practice where practioners use lights emerging when staying on a single object. Subsequently practitioners using the Mahashi method could develop elements of absorption by practicing not only vippasana, but also samatha. To sum up, practitioners of Pa-Auk method proceeds vipassanā using momentary concentration after exiting absorption, whereas those using Mahasi method proceed vipassanā without staying on absorption even though their concentration power is strong enough. Therefore, it could be concluded that regardless to the different starting point both methods share common elements; Helping practitioners to attain the absorption and practicing vipassanā with the power of momentary concentration. Difference is that Pa-Auk practice use momentary concentration from the preparatory stage before acccess concentation.

      • 社會主義 理論과 實際

        김관해 성화대학교 1993 成和論叢 Vol.- No.1

        고르바초프의 改革政策이나 開放政策온 수십년에 걸친 經濟沈滯 때문에 西方 先進國에 비해 엄청나게 낙후된 蘇聯의 競寧力과 技術水準을 향상시키는데 그 目的이 있다. 고르바초프의 構想대로 이 계획이 성공되어 2천년대에 美國을 따라잡기 위해서 그는 과감하게 中央統制經濟와 生産手段의 國有化라는 제도적 제약에서 탈피하고 自由經濟體制와 市場經濟를 본격적으로 導入하지 않고는 고르바초프의 꿈은 한낱 幻想으로 끝나게 될 것이다. 社會主義가 표방했던 理想은 좋았으나, 實際와 전혀 다른 격차가 생긴 것은 충분한 理由가 있다. 社會主義 體制下에서는 自由競爭이 억제되고 生産供給이 계획에 의해 추진되기 때문에 企業의 創意性도, 品質의 向上도, 技術의 革新도 기대할 수가 없다. 理論 보다는 實際가 문제다. 사실 理論은 좋은데 實際가 엉망이면 말이 아니다. 理論도 좋고 實際도 좋다면 그것 이상 좋을 수 없다. 볼세비키 혁명후 71년이 지났으나 社會主義 理想의 꿈은 아직도 實現되지 않고 있다. 東西 유럽은 제2차대전후 다같이 廢墟 속에서 再建을 시작했으나 40년이 지난 오늘 生活水準은 3대1 내지 5대1의 현격한 차이를 보이고 있다. 中國 本土와 대만, 東歐와 西歐, 北韓과 南韓등을 비교하면, 다함께 어려운 상황에서 경제를 일으켰으나 지금 그 격차는 엄청난 對照를 이루고 있다. 21世紀를 앞두고 상호 경쟁적으로 인류의 樂團을 창건하려했던 資本主義와 社會主義는 판가름 나기 시작했다. 이제 社會主義는 마르크스의 勞動價値說의 理論으로서는 불가능한 한계에 이르렀다. 사회주의가 그 存立 근거를 찾기 위해서는 階級 第-主義에서 人間 第一主義로 平等主義에서 自由主義로 돌아가는 修正社會主義 내지 脫社會主義를 위한 궤도수정의 모험을 해야 한다. 社會主義는 농경사회에서 工業化社會에 이르는데 이데올로기라든가 실천원리로써 적중되었다. 그러나 전자공업사회에서 脫工業社會를 가속화시키면서 情報化 社會의 실현을 앞둔 오늘의 社會主義는 凋落되어 終焉에 이르렀다. 社會主義의 經濟原理와 政治原理로써 오늘의 中國, 東歐圈의 사회주의 국가들을 統治할 수 없다는 것이 확증되었다. 루마니아의 붕괴는 北韓 金日成에게 큰 충격을 안겨주었고 어디에서 政治原理 전반을 찾아야 할 것인지 고민하게 되었다.

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