구강 편평세포암종에서 $P16^{ink4}$ 유전자의 Methylation에 대한 연구

강진원,김경욱,류진우,김창진,Kang, Gin-Won,Kim, Kyung-Wook,Lyu, Jin-Woo,Kim, Chang-Jin 대한악안면성형재건외과학회 2000 Maxillofacial Plastic Reconstructive Surgery Vol.22 No.2

The p16 protein is a cyclin dependent kinase inhibitor that inhibits cell cycle progression from $G_1$ phase to S phase in cell cycle. Many p16 gene mutations have been noted in many cancer-cell lines and in some primary cancers, and alterations of p16 gene function by DNA methylation have been noticed in various kinds of cancer tissues and cell-lines. There have been a large body of literature has accumulated indicating that abnormal patterns of DNA methylation (both hypomethylation and hypermethylation) occur in a wide variety of human neoplasma and that these aberrations of DNA methylation may play an important epigenetic role in the development and progression of neoplasia. DNA methylation is a part of the inheritable epigenetic system that influences expression or silencing of genes necessary for normal differentiation and proliferation. Gene activity may be silenced by methylation of up steream regulatory regions. Reactivation is associated with demethylation. Although evidence or a high incidence of p16 alterations in a variety of cell lines and primary tumors has been reported, that has been contested by other investigators. The precise mechanisms by which abnormal methylation might contribute to carcinogenesis are still not fully elucidated, but conceivably could involve the modulation of oncogene and other important regulatory gene expression, in addition to creating areas of genetic instability, thus predisposing to mutational events causing neoplasia. There have been many variable results of studies of head and neck squamous cell carcinoma(HNSCC). This investigation was studied on 13 primary HNSCC for p16 gene status by protein expression in immunohistochemistry, and DNA genetic/epigenetic analyzed to determine the incidence, the mechanisms, and the potential biological significance of its Inactivation. As methylation detection method of p16 gene, the methylation specific PCR(MSP) is sensitive and specific for methylation of any block of CpG sites in a CpG islands using bisulfite-modified DNA. The genomic DNA is modified by treatment with sodium bisulfate, which converts all unmethylated cytosines to uracil(thymidine). The primers designed for MSP were chosen for regions containing frequent cytosines (to distinguish unmodified from modified DNA), and CpG pairs near the 5' end of the primers (to provide maximal discrimination in the PCR between methylated and unmethylated DNA). The two strands of DNA are no longer complementary after bisulfite treatment, primers can be designed for either modified strand. In this study, 13 paraffin embedded block tissues were used, so the fragment of DNA to be amplified was intentionally small, to allow the assessment of methylation pattern in a limited region and to facilitate the application of this technique to samlples. In this 13 primary HNSCC tissues, there was no methylation of p16 promoter gene (detected by MSP and automatic sequencing). The p16 protein-specific immunohistochemical staining was performed on 13 paraffin embedded primary HNSCC tissue samples. Twelve cases among the 13 showed altered expression of p16 proteins (negative expression). In this study, The author suggested that low expression of p16 protein may play an important role in human HNSCC, and this study suggested that many kinds of genetic mechanisms including DNA methylation may play the role in carcinogenesis.

식민주의 역사학과 ‘우리’ 안의 타율성론

강진원(Kang Jinwon) 역사비평사 2016 역사비평 Vol.- No.115

The theory of heteronomy in the colonialist study of history fundamentally claims that Korean history has progressed under the influence of foreign power. The idea is advanced from the historical view of Manchuria-Joseon and of the theory of peninsula characteristics. The historical view of Manchuria-Joseon emerged when the Japanese Empire attacked the northeastern area of China. According to this view, the history of Manchuria and that of the Korean Peninsula are linked, but at the same time, the latter is only a part of the former. This view was improvised because of the urgent needs of the reality, but this is inconsistent in many ways. e theory of peninsula characteristics acquired strength since the 1930s, being supported by the geopolitical theory of environmental determinism. is theory lacks a solid foundation in that it is based on the assumption that only geographical position determines history. Groundless ideas like these are rampant in today’s Korea. ose who attach too much importance to Manchuria and those who are prejudiced against either peninsula or archipelago are good examples. In the study of history we should avoid simplifying numerous causal relationships based on only a few theoretical tools.

논문 : 고구려(高句麗) 시조묘(始祖廟) 제사(祭祀) 연구(硏究) -친사(親祀)의 성립과 변천을 중심으로-

강진원 ( Jin Won Kang ) 서울대학교 국사학과 2008 韓國史論 Vol.54 No.-

고구려 국가제사(國家祭祀) 연구의 경향 및 쟁점 -한국학계의 동향을 중심으로-

강진원 ( Kang Jin-won ) 경희대학교 인문학연구원 2017 인문학연구 Vol.0 No.34

고구려의 대표적인 國家祭祀로는 祭天大會 東盟, 始祖廟 제사, 宗廟·社稷 제사, 墓祭 등이 있다. 제천대회는 현재 연구 성과가 가장 많이 축적되었는데, 관련 기록이 비교적 풍부하였기 때문이다. 그러나 입장이 정리되지 못한 채 논의가 여러 방면으로 확산되었고, 특정 시기에 관심이 두어진 경향이 있다. 시조묘 제사 기사는 『三國史記』 고구려 제사 기록의 대부분을 차지할 뿐 아니라, 전 시기에 걸쳐 나타나고 있다. 따라서 역사적 가치가 상당하지만, 본격적인 연구 성과는 드문 편이다. 종묘와 사직은 관련 기록이 단편적이다. 그래서 종묘·사직 제사에 대해서는 일부 사항에 대한 입장 표명이 주를 이루었다. 묘제는 관련 사료가 매우 적어 연구가 거의 이루어지지 못하였는데, 집안고구려비의 발견 이후 점차 논의가 축적되고 있다. 제장이 무덤 부근이기 때문에, 고고학적 성과를 비롯한 다양한 측면을 참조할 필요가 있다. 國家祭祀는 국가권력과 밀접한 관계가 있다. 따라서 고구려 국가제사연구는 고구려사의 실상을 복원하는 데 있어 소홀히 할 수 없는 부분이다. 앞으로도 고구려 국가제사 연구가 다채롭고 깊이 있게 이루어지기를 희망한다. The typical examples of the rite of the state in Goguryeo include the grand harvest ritual(祭天大會), the ritual to progenitor`s shrine(始祖廟), the rite of the royal ancestor`s shrine(宗廟) and the earth-god`s altar(社稷), and the memorial services held before the grave(墓祭). The studies on the grand harvest ritual have accomplished many achievements, because many records are still remaining. However, they have limits in that there is no consensus and that their scope is limited only to a particular period. The records about the ritual to progenitor`s shrine not only comprise a large percentage of the Goguryeo`s ritual record in Samguk Sagi(The Chronicles of the Three States) but they were also produced throughout the period of Goguryeo dynasty. Therefore, they have a value of studying. Yet they were hardly studied. The rite of the royal ancestor`s shrine and the earth-god`s altar has only fragmentary records, and therefore the scholars who studied them expressed their opinions on some issues only. The studies on the memorial services held before the grave have been hardly done, because we have few records relating to them. But they have got more attention after the discovery of Jian Goguryeo Bi. Because the rite was practiced near tombs, we have to consider multiple aspects including archaeological researches. Considering that the national rite was closely connected with state power, the studies on the national rite in Goguryeo dynasty are essential for understanding Goguryeo`s history. I hope that we add diversity and depth to our studies on the national state in Goguryeo dynasty.

백제 웅진·사비도읍기 天地祭祀의 전개와 특징

강진원(Kang, Jin-won) 한국사학회 2017 史學硏究 Vol.0 No.127

웅진도읍기의 국정 혼란으로 인하여 天地合祭의 위상은 이전에 비해 약화되었다. 이후 梁과의 교섭 과정에서 五帝관념이 수용되었고, 天․五帝제사가 성립되어 천지합제를 대체하였다. 백제의 오제는 鄭玄의 六天說에 따라 천신으로서의 성격을 지녔다. 육천설의 오제는 왕실 시조와 일종의 혈연관계를 맺고 있었는데, 그러한 측면이 천신을 조상신으로 여기던 백제 고유의 천 관념에 부합하였기 때문이다. 천․오제 제사는 중국 교사의 영향을 받았음에도 불구하고, 다른 면모를 보이기도 하였다. 백제는 육천설을 유지하였기 때문에 南郊에서 천과 오제를 대등하게 치제하였고, 제천의례를 조상 제사의 일환으로 여긴 결과, 각 계절마다 치제가 거행되었다. 또 여름·겨울 치제를 성대하게 치러 토착 사회와의 조화를 꾀하였고, 잦은 치제를 통하여 왕권 제고를 도모하였다. 이는 천·오제 제사가 주체적으로 운용되었음을 보여준다. The status of the joint rites for heaven and earth(天地合祭) had been weakened due to the domestic political insecurity of Woongjin capital-period. Later, the concept of five-emperors(五帝) was accepted in Baekje while the Baeckje people carried out cultural exchange from liang (梁) dynasty. Then, the rites for heaven and five-emperors began to emerge, eventually replacing the joint rites for heaven and earth. Baekje’s five-emperors were given the heaven-god identity according to the six-heaven theory(六天說) that Zheng Xuan(鄭玄) created. Traditionally, the Baekje people viewed heaven-god as ancestor-god. Because the five-emperors had a kind of blood relationship with royal progenitors, they could accept the six-heaven theory easily. Although the rites for heaven and five-emperors in Baekje got influenced by Chinese Jiaosi(郊祀), it had different aspects. The rites for heaven and the five-emperors were held equally in the south suburb(南郊), because the six-heaven theory was maintained in Baekje. Also, the ritual was practiced in the middle month(仲月) of each season, because the Baekje people regarded the rite for heaven as the rite for ancestor. Additionally, it was practiced grandly in summer and fall for the harmony with local community. Also, being held frequently, it contributed to the reinforcement of royal authority. In these respects, we can see the rites for heaven and five-emperors worked independently in Baekje.

고구려 안장왕(安臧王)의 대외정책과 남진

강진원 ( Jin Won Kang ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2016 大東文化硏究 Vol.94 No.-

문자명왕 대 이후 백제는 국세를 회복해 가고 있었으며, 안장왕은 이에 대응하기 위하여 즉위 초부터 양과의 교섭에 주력하였다. 또 당시 북위가 내란으로 혼란에 빠진 기회를 틈 타 서진하여 요서 일부 지역을 영유하기도 하였고, 물길을 제압함으로써 북방의 동요 또한 안정시켰다. 그러나 이때도 양과 교류하며 백제에 대한 관심을 늦추지 않았다. 오곡원 전투와 한씨미녀 전승은 그러한 면을 잘 보여준다. 광개토왕 대 이후 고구려의 일관된 대외기조는 서방에서의 현상 유지와 적극적인 남진이었다. 따라서 안장왕의 치세와 대외정책은 이전 시기 군주들의 그것을 잇고 있다고 평할 만하다. Baekje was recovering its state-power after the reign of King Moonjamyeong. To provide against this King Anjang was attempting to make peace with Liang Dynasty as soon as his accession to the throne. Also, by taking advantage of the state of disorder caused by rebellion in Northern Wei Dynasty, he went west and won a part of the Liaoxi area. He also subdued the commotion in the north area by overpowering Wuji. Still he was watching for an opportunity to attack Baekje while maintaining cultural exchange with Liang Dynasty, which is demonstrated by the battle of the Ogok field and the folktale about the Beauty of the Han family. Since the reign of King Gwanggaeto, Goguryeo sought to maintain the status quo in its relationship with the west countries and to advance southward. Thus, it can be concluded that King Anjang inherited the foreign policies of his predecessor kings.

신라 중대 宗廟制 운영과 五廟 始定

강진원(Kang, Jin-won) 역사학회 2020 역사학보 Vol.0 No.245

The royal ancestral shrine of the Silla dynasty was originally folksy family shrine. The rulers of the middle period tried to raise their ancestral shrine to the rank of the whole-state ritual. As a result, its managing system was transformed based on Chinese Confucian shrine-system during the ruling time of King Shinmoon. But the new system did not settle at once. This is because the Kings performed the ceremony of accession to the throne in the holy palace and did worship ceremony only in specific ancestral chamber of the royal shrine at that time. A systematic operation of the Confucian shrine-system started after the establishment of Five-shrine during the ruling period of King Hyegong. To raise it to the rank of the whole-state ritual, the ancestor placed at the top place of the royal shrine was changed from Seonghan to King Michoo. Also, since King Muyeol and King Moonmu were regarded as the center of the middle period’s royal family and as their direct ancestors, their tablets were enshrined, which was a special treatment. After this, the importance of royal shrine and its rite was reinforced further, eventually becoming a ritual that represents Silla. Yet considerable importance was still attached to the holy palace and to its ritual. Thus, we can learn that a new trend of system was settled gradually in the state’s rite of Silla dynasty, while coexisting with the existing ritual.

『삼국사기』제사지 고구려조의 전거자료와 기술 태도

강진원(Kang, Jin-won) 한국역사연구회 2015 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.98

Contents of the Goguryeo chapter of the “Rituals” section of Samguk Sagi contain records that came from two major sources, Chinese historical texts and the Gogi(Ancient Records). It seems like the compiler’s intention was to use Chinese sources for references as much as possible, while avoiding documentation of rituals that were not related to Confucian philosophy. We can see that from many obvious choices of references: Description of the ‘Major Gathering to Honor the Sky’ was based upon descriptions of Huhan-seo(Later Han History). Memorial services for various deities were recorded both in Gu-Dangseo and Shin-Dangseo, yet only the latter was consulted. Services for the Dynastic Shrine and the Sajik Alter of Bi’ryu’nabu (recorded in Samguk-ji) and the Shrine of Jumong (recorded in Shin-Dangseo were not recorded in Samguk Sagi at all. Kim Bu-shik and other compilers were very much interested in determining whether or not ancient rituals were worth mentioning in a Confucian historical text, so certain cases that were deemed worthy were inserted, and elements that were not were eventually excluded. Interestingly enough, things that did not exactly match Confucian conventions, but to which similar practices were still observed in the Goryeo period, were chosen and recorded. Stories that came ‘from within,’ transmitted inside the Korean peninsula (supposedly) from the ancient days, were referenced to be originally from texts that had been used in compiling the Goguryeo Chronicles and the Ondal Biography. There are still discrepancies between the Goguryeo Chronicles and the “Rituals” section, but it seems like a result of a compiler mistake or its general discretion. In other words, contents of the Goguryeo chapter of the “Rituals” section do not go beyond what was written in the Goguryeo Chronicles and the Ondal Biography. This means that when the former(“Rituals”) was written, other textual sources (which were used in creating the latter) were already gone. This also informs us of the meaning of those references in Samguk Sagi.

『역사와담론』의 한국고대사 연구 50년

강진원(Kang, Jin-won) 호서사학회 2021 역사와 담론 Vol.- No.100

1971년 湖西史學會가 설립되었고, 이듬해 『역사와 담론』이 창간되어 오늘날에 이르렀다. 게재 논문을 시간의 흐름에 따라 살펴보면, 1기(1972~1998)에는 연구사적으로 의미가 있으며, 오늘날까지도 여러 논문에서 인용되는 성과가 적지 않아 해당 학술지가 초기부터 굳건히 뿌리내렸음을 알 수 있다. 2기(1999~2011)에는 백제사 연구가 심화하였고 그간 성과가 미진하였던 부분으로 연구가 확대되거나 역사고고학을 활용하는 등, 이 무렵 학계의 전반적인 연구 풍토와 결을 같이하였다. 3기(2012~현재)에는 통합적 논의가 진전되었고 이론적 측면으로도 관심이 두어졌으며, 사료 자체에 대한 이해가 깊어져 시대를 선도하는 공론의 장으로 기능하고 있다. 앞으로의 귀추가 주목되는 바이다. In 1971 The Hosuh Historical Association was established. After publishing the first issue of the journal entitled History and Discourse in 1972, it has published articles every year until now. In the first period of its publication history (1972~1998), a number of significant and influential articles were published; some of them are still being quoted. This shows that History and Discourse has settled down firmly in academia from beginning. In the second period (1999~2011), studies in the field of Baekje’s history were particularly remarkable, while some articles spotlighted relatively unnoticed areas or drew on the methods of historical archeology. This corresponds to the general trend in the historical studies of the time. In the third period (2012~the present), there were advancements in the integrative studies as well as the theoretical approaches. Many works published during this period also demonstrated deeper understanding of primary sources of history. At present, History and Discourse is playing a leading role in academia, serving as the site for open-ended discussions. It is worth paying attention to the future development of this journal.

신발견 〈集安高句麗碑〉의 판독과 연구 현황

강진원(Kang, Jin-won) 한국목간학회 2013 목간과 문자 Vol.11 No.-

2012년 7월 29일 고구려의 옛 도읍인 集安麻線河우측 연안 강바닥에서 集安高句麗碑가 발견되었다. 고구려인들이 남긴 비문으로는 廣開土王碑와 中原高句麗碑에 이어 세 번째다. 화강암을 다듬어 만든 이 석비는 후한에서 유행하던 圭形碑의 모습을 하고 있다. 비문의 앞면은 모두 10행으로 매 행마다 22자씩 새겼고, 마지막 행은 20자로 도합 218자이다. 단 우측 상단부가 깨어져 나가 손실된 글자들이 있고, 마모가 심하게 되어 알아볼 수 없는 글자들도 있다. 내용을 보면 서두에서 고구려의 건국과 왕위계승을 기술한 뒤, 다음 부분에서 수묘제의 연혁을 말하고, 끝으로 왕의 敎言을 통해 수묘제의 확고한 운영을 도모하고 있다. 현재 한중학계에서 활발한 연구가 이루어지고 있다. 비의 건립 시기와 성격, 왕권전승, 墓祭, 守墓制, 율령, 서체, 碑形의 기원 등에 대해 다양한 견해들이 제기되었는데, 연구가 축적된다면 4~5세기 고구려의 실상에 보다 가까이 다가갈 수 있으리라 생각한다. On July 29th, 2012, JianGoguryeo Bi was discovered from the East bed of the Maxianhe River at Jian - the old capital of Goguryeo. This is the third time that the epigraph made in Goguryeo was ever found; the first one was King Gwanggaeto"s memorial stone and the second one was Jungwon- Goguryeo Bi. This granite memorial stone represents the style of Gui which had been in fashion in the Later Han. The front side of the stone has 10 lines of letters inscribed on it. Each line includes 22 letters except the last one including 20. The total number of the letters inscribed on this stone is 218. Since its upper right corner got damaged, some letters are out of recognition. Also, some letters are incomprehensible because of wear-out. The initial part of the epigraph explains about the establishment of Goguryeo and the succession to the throne. Next, the history of the tomb preservation system is described. Finally, the royal command to continue and solidify the tomb preservation system is presented. The discovery of Jian-Goguryeo Bi is tremendously attracting academic interest both in Korea and China. The previous researches address the production time and the use of JianGoguryeo Bi, as well as the various perspectives towards the historical issues such as the succession of royal right, the memorial service held before the grave, the tomb preservation system, ordinance, typeface, and the origin of the memorial stone styles. I hope that JianGoguryeo Bi helps to better understand the history of the 4th and the 5thcentury Goguryeo as more and more scholars engage in the research.