조선초기 문신 姜希孟의 관직생활

강제훈(Kang Jae-hoon) 한국인물사연구소 2008 한국인물사연구 Vol.9 No.-

This study aimed at looking into Kang Hui-maeing's office life for the understanding of the early Joseon society dominated by yangban(two upper classes). Through reviewing on his life we can interpret constant factors to make his way in office life in Joseon as well as variable ones. He was out of top drawer, a nephew of King Sejong's wife and got the first position in the civil service examination come up 1447, King Sejong's 29th year. He enjoyed a success career during King Sejo's ruling period(1455~1468) and reached the peak point when King Seongjong rose. He started office life in 24 years old and got a dangsanggwan position, the major third rank, 10 years later. He took office as the minister of the Ceremonies Board in 1466, King Sejo's 12th ruling year. He died at 1483 with two titles as a meritorious retainers without taking the position for state councilor. Key point of his success was to have taken good results, ranked the first class, in the successive two tests by King Sejo for inservice officers. This enabled hime to get dangsoangwan and panseo post. He was a ceremony and writing expert whom the dynasty need for establishing confucian state and keeping stable relations with Ming China. He went through almost all posts in the Ceremonies Board from jwarang(assistant section chief) to panseo (Minister). He had his son got to married to a grand daughter of Sin Sukju, first class meritorious retainer. It helped him to get the meritorious title. He participated in discussion sessions with the king Seong Jong as a Gyeongyeongwan holding additional posts and meritorious retainer. Seongjong left his first son who acceded to the throne later in Kang's care for several years and nominated him for Yijo-panseo positon, Minister of Personnel. His success story shows that in Joseon society a person could not success depending solely on one's family. For successful office life it requires to be a fine writer and to get a special status like a meritorious title.

조선 세조대의 勳臣 具致寬의 관직 생활과 특징

강제훈(Kang, Jae-Hoon) 고려사학회 2017 한국사학보 Vol.- No.69

조선초기 전세제 개혁과 그 성격

강제훈 ( Jae Hoon Kang ) 조선시대사학회 2001 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.19 No.-

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[조선전기] ‘儒敎國家 朝鮮’ 오랜 역사상의 새로운 모색

姜制勳(Kang Jea-hoon) 역사학회 2009 역사학보 Vol.0 No.203

조선 세종조의 國家禮 정비와 五禮의 성립

강제훈(Kang, Jae Hoon) 고려사학회 2021 한국사학보 Vol.- No.82

이글은 『세종실록』에 수록된 「오례」가 조선 최초의 국가례 편찬물이라는 점에 주목하여 해당 편찬물이 작성될 수 있었던 배경과 특징에 대해 검토한 것이다. 이글에서는 유교적 의례의 정비는 오랜 관습이었던 불교적 생활 관습을 대체하는 목적을 두고 있다는 점을 지적하고, 恒産을 확보하여 恒心을 갖게 한다는 유교적 명제가 세종 시대에 의례의 정비를 통해서 시도되었음을 검토하였다. 민간례와 달리 국가례는 길・흉・군・빈・가례로 범주화된다. 『세종실록』에는 300여 개의 의주가 수록되어 있는데, 유교 의례를 시행하기 위해 이 정도로 많은 의식에 대한 구체적인 검토가 이루어졌음을 보여준다. 『세종실록』의 「오례」는 직접적으로는 세종 26년 국왕의 지시로 정리 작업이 진행되었지만, 저변에 세종 치세 전 기간에 걸친 다양한 의주의 작성과 의례에 대한 검토가 축적되어 있었기 때문에, 국가례로서 오례가 정리될 수 있었다. 이글에서 주요 개념어로서 동시대의 명나라 예제를 時制, 당・송의 제도를 古制, 조선의 습속을 本俗으로 설정하고, 의례 정비의 지향은 최종적으로 유교적 본속을 확립해 가는 과정이었다고 해석하였다. 조선은 명과의 관계에서 명을 時王으로 인정하였다. 이에 준하여 시제를 수용할 적극적인 의사가 있었지만, 명에서 예제를 공개하지 않는 국제적 환경이 조성되었다. 이러한 조건에서 조선 나름의 유교 예제를 추구하였다. 여전히 조선은 시제를 반영하고자 하였지만, 궁여지책으로 당・송의 고제를 능동적으로 참조하였고, 조선 고유의 습속도 유교적 본속을 만들어가는 과정에서 적극 반영하였다. 태종대에는 시제를 주로 채용하고자 하였지만, 시제의 세부사항을 알 수 없는 조건에서 세종 초기에는 당・송의 고제를 전반적인 의례 정비에 원용하게 되었다. 예제에 대한 이해가 심화하면서, 조선 나름의 의례 운영 원리를 마련하게 되었고, 세종 중기부터는 조선 나름의 유교적 본속을 점차 갖추게 됐다. 드디어 세종 후기에 독자적인 오례를 정리하는 작업을 시도하게 되었다. 이렇게 하여 작성된 『세종실록』 「오례」는 미완의 작업이기는 하였지만, 향후 『국조오례의』로 귀결되는 의례 정리 작업의 실제적인 배경이 되었음을 주목하였다. In this paper, the rite system of the Ming Dynasty was conceptualized as the contemporary system, the rite system of the Tang and Song Dynasty as the ancient system, and the customs of Joseon as the regional system. It was interpreted that the purpose of establishment of Confucian rite system in Joseon was to create a Confucian regional system. In Joseon, the emperor of Ming China was recognized as the king of the present era who was ordered by heaven as Confucianism says. Therefore, they wanted to accept Ming China’s ritual system if possible. However, Ming China did not disclose the rite system to Joseon, and recommended that Joseon follow the local system. In Joseon, a long-time Buddhist country, there was virtually no Confucian regional system. Joseon established its own state rite system by referring to the ancient systems of the Tang and Song. Joseon had to make a new rite system for kingdom because all the system of Confucian-style state rite that could be referenced were for the Empire and there were no ones for the Kingdom. The five-categorized rituals were included as an appendix in the Annals of King Sejong. This was the first compilation of Confucianstyle state rite of Joseon. This record was incomplete, but it reflects the achievements of creating a confucian regional system that had been steadily implemented in Joseon. Based on this, Joseon completed more sophisticated five categorized rituals. This was the first example of a Confucian state rite system for the kingdom. Through this, Joseon took a new step toward transforming itself into a Confucian state.

朝鮮 太宗 · 世宗代 田稅의 부과와 수취

강제훈(Kang Jae-Hoon) 고려사학회 1999 한국사학보 Vol.- No.6

조선초기(朝鮮初期) 국가의례(國家儀禮) 정비의 지향과 원칙 -길례(吉禮),흉례(凶禮)의 상호 영향을 중심으로-

강제훈 ( Jae Hoon Kang ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2015 民族文化硏究 Vol.68 No.-

The foundation of Joseon was the crucial turning point in Korean history that made the country oriented towards confucianism. Confucian orientations of Joseon were revealed in practices of Confucian rituals. Three factors were main considerations in the ritual practices in Joseon. irst, rituals in Joseon were state rituals. Confucian rituals were divided into state rituals and private rituals. Private rituals were to practice Zhuzi jiali(朱子家禮) written by Zhu Xi, and Zhuzi jiali was based on the paternal line family system. Since Joseon did not have a paternal line family system, it was difficult to practice Zhuzi jiali even for the ruling class members. They had to focus on the Confucian state rituals at least in the beginning. Second, they tried to apply prince-level ritual system. They could not simply introduce the Chinese system of Confucian state rituals, because the Chinese ritual system was based on the imperial standard. Among the sons of the emperor, those whom the empress gave birth to were entitled to be princes. The king of Joseon was not a prince by blood, but he was recognized and treated as a prince because such was the established relationship between Joseon and Ming. Since there was no separate ritual system for princes, Joseon had to make a new system for prince-level state rituals. Third, they wanted to make patterns for all the state rituals coincide with each other. Confucian state rituals consist of five categories of propitious rituals, felicitation rituals, army rituals, rituals for guests, and rituals of ill omen. Each category again consists of hundreds of rituals. In Joseon they tried to make patterns for rituals in each category coincide with each other. Later on, even the patterns in different categories were made to coincide with each other. So, the use of those same patterns was a way to express that those rituals were rituals of Joseon. Joseon was founded in 1392. In 1474, they published Five-category state rituals of Joseon(『國朝五禮儀』), which was a sign that an organization of state rituals in Joseon was concluded. Five-category state rituals of Joseon reflects the universal Confucian ideal and at the same time contains a special interpretation of the ideal in the form of prince-level ritual system.

조선『世宗實錄』『五禮』의 편찬 경위와 성격

강제훈(Kang, Jae Hoon) 한국사학회 2012 史學硏究 Vol.- No.107

『세종실록』에는 다른 실록과는 달리 다양한 부록이 있다. 『세종실록』에 다양한 부록을 넣게 된 이유로 『고려사』를 기전체 편집했던 관원들이 대거 실록 작업에 투입된 점을 지적하였다. 『세종실록』의 편찬을 편년체로 결정하는 기록은 있지만, 부록을 편집하게 된 경위나 이유에 대해 언급한 기록은 확인되지 않는다. 첫 번째 부록인 五禮에 대해서는 별도로 부록을 편집하지 않기로 했다는 기록이 두번 나타난다. 이 글은 이 두 번의 언급을 검토하여 『세종실록』오례를 편찬하게 된 경위를 살펴보았다. 첫 번째 논의는 세종 때 만들어진 의주를 별도의 부록으로 모을 것인지, 아니면 날짜별 편년 기사로 수록할 것인지에 대한 것이었다. 둘째는 세종 26년 국왕의 지시로 변효문 등이 편찬한 五禮儀註를『세종실록』에 편입하는 문제였다. 두 번 모두 부록으로 수록하지 않기로 결정하였다. 그럼에도 현재의『세종실록』에는 첫 번째 부록으로 五禮를 싣고 있다. 번복의 과정은 알 수 없다. 가 글에서는 『세종실록』에 수록된 오례와 관련된 의주가 현재 수록된 상태로는 별도의 부록을 구성할 수 없다는 점을 확인하였다. 독립된 부록이 되기 위해서는 별도의 편집 작업이 필요하다. 현 상태로 가능한 편집방식은 『고려사』의 예지에서 보이는 것처럼 『고려사』를 구성하는 방법인데, 그럴 경우 다른 부록과는 성격이 달라진다는 점을 지적하였다. 변효문?정척 등이 상정한 五禮는 의주와 서례로 구성된 작업이었다. 이 결과물은 아직은 미완의 상태였다. 의주와 서례 자체의 오류를 수정하고, 또 의주와 서례 사이의 일관된 체제를 갖추는 문제는 여전히 해결해야 할 숙제였다. 그런데 『실록오례』는 이미 상당 부분 수정된 태종 때의『제사의식』 과 『제사서례』 로 길례 항목을 대체하면서 나머지 四禮를 그대로 수용한 것이었다. 정치적 판단이 반영된 결과였다. 따라서 『실록오례』의 편집에도 불구하고, 정치적 판단을 최대한 배제하고, 의주와 서례의 내용을 일관되게 정리한 의례서의 편찬이 여전히 시급한 상황이었다. 『실록오례』는 향후의 실천을 고려하여 작성된 의례서였지만,『국조오례』의?단계에 가서야 애초의 작성 의도에 부합하는 완성도 높은 정리가 이루어졌고, 실제로 행례 과정에도 적용될 수 있게 되었다.『실록오례』가 세종 때의 다양한 의식 개정 작업을 어떤 부분에서는 충분히 반영하고 있지 않으며, 또한 일관성과 체계성에서 문제가 발견된다고 하더라도 조선초기 국가예의 정비 과정에서 중요한 분수령이 되었던 점도 사실이다. Sejong-Chronicle has a lot of appendices unlike other Chronicles of Joseon. I point out as a reason for the inclusion of various appendices that many government officials, who had compiled the History of Goryeo in a biological style, were involved in the compilation of the Chronicle. We have records of the decision for the compilation of Sejong-Chronicle in a chronological style, but no records about the reasons for the inclusion of appendices. With regard to the first appendix “Five Rites”, we have records of two discussions that led to the decision not to include them as an appendix. With the examination of the discussions I look into the details of the compilation of the Five Rites in Sejong-Chronicle. The first discussion concerns whether they should compile ceremonial notes made in Sejong’s reign as a separate appendix or include them as chronological records by date. The second discussion was about whether they should include the ceremonial notes on the Five Rites compiled by Byeon Hyo-mun and others with the order of the king in the year of Sejong 26. In both cases it was decided not to include them as an appendix. Nonetheless, Sejong-Chronicle now has the Five Rites as the first appendix. The details of the revision remain unknown. In this article I affirm that the Five Rites and the ceremonial notes contained in Sejong-Chronicle cannot constitute a separate appendix in their present form. The Five Rites, introduced by Byeon Hyo-mun, Jeong Cheok, and others, consisted of ceremonial notes(儀註) and ceremonial illustrations(序例). Their results were unfinished at the time. They still had to correct the errors in the notes and illustrations themselves. They also had to make them a consistent and systematic whole. Even though the Five Rites of Sejong-Chronicle did not sufficiently reflect the various efforts to revise the ceremonies during Sejong’s reign, and there were problems with the consistency and systematicity, it is also true that they were an important turning point in the process of improvements in the National ceremonies in the early Joseon.

조선 초기 王室祖上儀禮의 유교적 정비

강제훈(Kang, Jae-Hoon) 고려사학회 2017 한국사학보 Vol.- No.66

조선은 즉위교서에서 유교 의례의 실천을 선언하였다. 오랫동안 전통이었던 불교식 조상의례는 국왕과 왕비가 사망하고, 관련된 의례를 진행하게 되면서 유교적 의례로 대체되었다. 종묘 의례는 태조의 사망 후, 태조 神主를 종묘에 모시는 과정에서 조선식의 定形이 마련되었다. 이를 기준으로 山陵과 原廟, 眞殿등의 의례가 정리되었다. 태종 때 부터 종묘는 보편적 유교 의례로 설정되었다. 반면에 俗祭에는 揖, 俯伏등 종묘 의례에 없는 동작을 사용하고 奠幣, 飮福등의 절차를 종묘와 다른 패턴으로 시행하였다. 세종대를 거치면서 점차 조상의례는 유교 의례 기준에 없는 동작은 해소하고, 각각의 절차를 일관된 방식으로 통일하되, 의례 구성에서 어떤 절차를 넣거나 빼거나 하여 서로를 구분하였다. 처음에는 종묘 의례를 기준으로 속제를 정비하였으나, 나중에는 속제의례에서 정리된 패턴으로 종묘 의례를 수정하기도 하였다. 『국조오례의』 왕실 조상의례는 태종대 이래의 일관된 원칙에 따라 정비된 결과물이었다. 正祀인 종묘의례는 동아시아의 보편적 유교의례에 맞게 설정되었다. 俗祭인 문소전과 산릉, 진전 등은 조선 습속을 포함하고 있었다. 그러나 종묘의 어떤 절차가 생략되기는 하였지만, 유교 의례의 기준에 맞았다. 이렇게 정비된 조상의례는 종묘와 속제의 구분 없이 제사가 진행되는 패턴에서는 철저하게 유교적이었다. 의례는 사회 전체에서 실행될 수 있을 때, 의미를 갖게된다. 조선이 건국되었을 때는 이미 불교적 조상의례의 전통이 오랜 습속으로 자리 잡고 있었다. 이를 대체하는 것은 정치적 선언만으론 불가능하였다. 더구나 부모를 위하는 의례는 이를 시행하는 자손의 심적인 위안으로 기능할 수 있어야 했다. 낯설고 준비하기 어려운 유교 원칙이 적용된 종묘의례는 사회 일반이 실행할 수 없었고, 설령 가능하다고 해도, 이를 통해 위안을 받는다는 의례 목적이 달성될 수 없었다. 종묘 의례의 정비는 유교 의례의 기본적 전제였다. 그러나 이것만으로 가능하지 않았던 조상 의례의 사회적 확산은 속제 범주의 의례가 마련됨으로써 가능할 수 있었다. Joseon proclaimed the implementation of Confucian rituals at the enthronement message. Buddhist style ancestral rituals, which had been traditionally applied for a long period, were replaced with Confucian rituals when related rituals were implemented after the death of kings and queens. Joseon-style rituals were established at the Jongmyo Shrine during the process to enshrine the tablet of King Taejo after his death. Various rituals such as those at the royal tombs, private shrines, and portrait shrines were formalized based on the rituals used at the Jongmyo Shrine. Meanwhile, movements such as prostrations and bowing with hands clasped, which were not included in the rituals at the Jongmyo Shrine, were applied during local Confucian rituals for ancestors. Procedures such as sacrificial libations (offering of silk cloth) and the partaking of sacrificial food and drink were implemented in a different manner from the rituals at the Jongmyo Shrine. The procedures for ancestral rituals were gradually unified during the reign of King Sejong by mitigating movements that were not included in the standard Confucian rituals and adding or omitting other procedures when a ritual ceremony was composed. Local Confucian rituals for ancestors were originally organized based on the rituals at the Jongmyo Shrine. However, the rituals at the Jongmyo Shrine were subsequently modified to reflect the patterns established at the local Confucian rituals for ancestors. The ancestral rituals for the royal family found in the Gukjo Oryeui (Five Rites of State) were the result of the presence of consistent principles since the reign of King Taejong. The rituals at the Jongmyo Shrine, which represented the Joseon dynasty’s official ritual system, were setup in accordance with the universal Confucian rituals of East Asia. The Munso Shrine, royal tombs, and portrait shrines, all of which fell under the category of local Confucian rituals for ancestors, reflected the traditional folkways of Joseon. Although some of the procedures were omitted, these were well suited for the Confucian rituals. The established ancestral rituals thoroughly exhibited the Confucian style in that these rituals proceeded in a manner that did not differentiate between the Jomyo Shrine and local Confucian rituals for ancestors. Rituals implications and significance lay in the fact that they are implemented in the entire society. Buddhist-style ancestral rituals had already become entrenched by the time the Joseon dynasty was founded. These Buddhist-style ancestral rituals could not be removed solely based on political proclamations. Furthermore, the ancestral rituals for parents only became possible when they functioned as a psychological consolation for the descendants who implemented the rituals. The general people of the Joseon dynasty could not implement the rituals at the Jongmyo Shrine involving strange and difficult Confucian principles. Although the rites spread to the masses, the goals of the rituals to receive consolation could not be achieved. The organization of rituals at the Jongmyo Shrine became the basic prerequisite for Confucian rituals. The social diffusion of ancestral rituals became possible once the local confucian rituals for ancestors were established.

조선 초기 正至會禮 의식의 정비와 운용

강제훈(Kang Jae-hoon) 고려사학회 2009 한국사학보 Vol.- No.34

In early Joseon they had a New year and the Winter Solstice's feast with Confucian Style. The feast was called Jeong Ji Hoe-rye (正至會禮), Jeong means a New Year's Day, Ji means The winter Solstice and Hoe-rye is the great feast for king and all kind of officers. The revision of the protocol for the feast reflected the result from the 100year's long efforts to make the confucian style rites for the court rituals since founding the dynasty. The feast consists of two main procedures, the first is to toast to king s longevity and the second is for all participants to drink nine times turn. In the toating procedure the Crown Prince devotes the first cup to the king and the prime minister the second. After that procedure all participants move to the places for drinking and have drinking procedure in song and dance performances. King was the center of the world like the North Star in the space and organizer in the feast. In Johoe(朝會, court conference) all participants were organized in single oder according to the office ranks from first to nine. In contrast the feast participants were placed in a complex order. The kindred of the king(宗親) was located in the closer place to the king comparing to ordinary officers located in the yard. The king's literary officers(侍臣) were privileged locating in the stairs. On the other hand. the places for foreigners were prepared the outmost points near the gate. The purpose of the feast. formally, is for the king and his officers to enjoy together. The closer places to the king show their superior position to others' so the feast had a role to show the difference between participants and the principle that king was the single core in the rank system.