근⋅현대기 한⋅일 비구니의 존재양상에 대한 시론적 고찰 - 종제의 변천을 중심으로 -

강문선(혜원) 대각사상연구원 2014 大覺思想 Vol.22 No.-

본 논문은, 근대기 조선불교의 법령과 일제이후 ‘조계종’교헌에서 현대기의 ‘대한불교조계종’ 법령에 이르기까지 법령의 변천과 특색 및 일본의 조동종의 근대기 종제(宗制)의 변화과정에서의 <승려법>을 고찰하고, 한⋅일 불교교 단의 종헌법령에서 승려의 평등성과 차별성을 비교하고자 하였다. 근대기 조선불교계는 불교의 정체성과 전통성을 선양하고 계승하는 의미 에서 승려의 균등한 법계와 교육의 체계성을 법령으로 정하였지만 비구니 수행교육과 제도의 실천은 그렇지 못했으며, 근대이후 대한불교조계종 종단 의 법령에 이르러서는 불평등한 제도가 성문화되기까지 하였다. 한편, 일본 불교의 근대기는 ‘배불훼석(排佛毁釋)’과 승려의 재가화라는 메이지유신 정부 의 방침과 이에 맞선 교단의 저항으로 시작되었으며 결국 교단은 정부시책 에 순응하고 종령(宗令)을 개정하였다. 그러나 승니의 차별적 제도에 니승들 은 자발적인 다양한 사회봉사로서 평판과 우호를 얻고 교단에 대한 불평등 한 제도에 대해 집단적 항거(抗拒)운동으로서 근대기 말, 승니의 차별이 철 폐되고 균등한 종제를 이끌어 내었다. 이러한 일본불교계와 한국 불교교단의 종단법령의 변천과정에서의 비구니에 대한 종단 제도의 차별성에 대한 원인 분석과 이를 해소하기 위한 방향에 대해 논구해 보았다. This paper investigated Buddhist-related legislations in Korea during the Japanese Colonial Period, the Charter of the Jogye Order after liberation, the Ordinances of the Jogye Order of Korean Buddhism, and the Soto-shu’s (曹洞宗) Law of Buddhist Monk in the midst of the changes in its order system during the modern period. And it also compared Buddhist monks’ equality and discrimination between the Korean and Japanese Buddhist order system. Although the Korean Buddhist circle during the Japanese Colonial Period established equal Dharma rank (法階) and systematic education through ordinances for the purpose of enhancing and inheriting the Buddhist identity and tradition, system and reality were different. This could be known from reading ‘A Report on a Visit to Japan’ (見學記) written by Bhikkuni Su-ok Jeong (鄭守玉), who was the first visitor to Japan as Korean Bhikkuni at that time. In those days Korean Bhikkunis had no consciousness of the Buddhist order system, and no awakening of the right and status in the order. Probably the reason for the discriminative system for the Bhikkuni manifested in the order system during modern and contemporary period is the influence of the idea that men are superior to women, which had existed since the Joseon Dynasty, and the Bhikku’s wrong and discriminating prejudice related to disciplinary precepts. Korean Buddhist body started the ‘Purification Movement’ (1954) for the eradication of Japanese-style Buddhism and the establishment of the order centered on Bhikkus, and Bhikkunis who actively participated in that movement. In this process the body made Bhikkunis the abbot of the Headquarter temples like Donghwa-sa Temple and Seonam-sa Temple, but this did not last long. The abbots of those temples were changed again into Bhikkus and no definite explanations were presented. Besides, when the ‘Reformation Movement’ (1994) for the reform of the Jogye Order, Bhikkunis also took an active part in it and demanded a revision of the laws and regulations for the advancement of Bhikkunis. But the demand was not accepted. The reason was said to be the eight precepts specifically for Bhikkunis (八敬戒) and absence of right persons. The Korean Bhikkus’ discrimination against Bhikkunis are well reflected in such examples. The combined order of Bhikkus and married Buddhist monks laid down unequal Buddhist laws in the aspects of Dharma rank and the others. Such discriminatory system has been maintained and applied to a position of a Buddhist monk. The Japanese Buddhist circle violently protested against the ‘exclusion of Buddhism and the defamation of the Buddha’ (排佛毁釋) and the policy of making Buddhist monks marry by the Meiji Restoration (明治維新) government (1872). But finally the Buddhist orders adapted themselves to governmental policies, and revised their ordinances. However, the discriminatory system relevant to Bhikkunis continued to exist. In wartime, and after the war, Japanese Bhikkunis had a good reputation from society and Buddhist orders through various services and dedication, voluntarily starting collective protest movement against the orders’ unequal systems. At last at the end of modern time (1946) the discriminatory structure and system were abolished, leading to the orders’ system guaranteeing the equality of Bhikkunis. Examining Japanese Bhikkunis’ consciousness of their order system and improvement movement in the past, we can conclude that there is a need for Korean Bhikkunis to enhance the awareness and awakening of the order's laws and regulations and to intensify their concentration power and petition. Moreover, they should put effort into cultivating their high-level skills at teaching Buddhist Dharma linked to society, history, and culture, which could also be another direction of correcting the discriminative ordinances. Without these efforts, the orders’ systems centered on Bhikkus will never change.

곽암의 『십우도』에 나타난 선사상

강문선(혜원) 한국불교학회 2000 韓國佛敎學 Vol.26 No.-

보리달마의 대승선(大乘禪)이 북종선(北宗禪)에 미친 영향

강문선(혜원) 한국불교학회 1999 韓國佛敎學 Vol.25 No.-

황벽 희운의 선사상

강문선(혜원) 한국불교학회 1996 韓國佛敎學 Vol.21 No.-

법안문익(法眼文益)의 선사상(禪思想)

강문선(혜원) 한국불교학회 1997 韓國佛敎學 Vol.23 No.-

남북양종(南北兩宗)에 있어서 자성(自性)에 대하여

강문선(혜원) 한국불교학회 1990 韓國佛敎學 Vol.15 No.-

근대 한국 비구니 선수행 양상과 印可에 대한 문제

강문선(혜원) 대각사상연구원 2015 大覺思想 Vol.23 No.-

한국 불교의 근대기는 왜색불교 도래로 인한 체제와 조선불교의 순수성을 계승하려는 체제가 대응하는 혼돈과 갈등의 시대였다. 당시 승려의 교육과 수행을 위한 기관은 주로 비구중심이었으며 비구니를 위한 별도의 시설은 없는 실정이었다. 비구니들의 수행은 대부분 선참구가 중심이었으며 치열한 구도행각으로써 得道하여 선지식에게 인가를 받기도 하였다. 본 논문은, 이러한 비구니납자들의 수선의 양상과 인가의 형태를 究明하는 것이다. 이는 현대 수행교육체제에서 득도한 비구니가 전무함을 생각해 볼 때 그들의 수선과정과 구법정신을 살피는 것은 의의가 있다고 본다. 고찰해 본 결과 근대기 니승납자들은 거의 교학적 배경이 없이 선지식의 가르침과 이에 대한 믿음이 확실했다. 화두참구와 문답상량으로서의 공부점검은 득도 의 불가결한 조건이 되었다. 득도한 니승들은 제방의 선지식과 선문답으로 견처를 보이고 서로 이끌었다. 선지식은 혹은 수행지침서가 되는 게문과 득 도한 니승에게 전법게, 더불어 당호를 주었다. 간혹은 후학들이 전하는 전법 게라고 여기는 게문은 전법의 형태가 아닌 수행지침을 위한 經錄의 구절이 나 화두점검을 위한 것이었음을 살필 수 있었다. 후학들의 잘못된 이해와 인 식이었다. 견처를 보인 니승들은 선지식의 유도로 후학을 지도하거나 제접 했으며 결제법어도 대신 하였다. 또한 득도이후 이들은 선원과 강원을 시설 하고 가람수호하였다. 이상의 근대기 니승납자들에게서 나타난 수선의 양상 과 득도를 생각해 볼 때, 현재 종단의 禪敎의 교육제도는 재고되어야 하며 따라서 이에 대한 방안제시도 모색해 보았다. The early modern era was that of confusion and strife when there had been conflicts between the Buddhist system established by the arrival of Japanese Buddhism and that of Korean Buddhism trying to inherit its purity. At that time institutions for Buddhist monk’s education and practice focused mainly on Bhikshu, and there were no separate facilities for Bhikshuni. Bhikshuni’s practice centered on investigating the phrase, and there were some Bhikshunis who got enlightenment through rigorous practice. The purpose of this paper is to ponder on the facets of Bhikshuni’s Seon practice and the form of approval of the enlightenment. Considering the fact that there have been no Bhikshunis who attained enlightenment within the modern educational system of practice, I think it is meaningful to trace the practice process, the spirit for seeking the Dharma of those Bhikshunis who attained enlightenment, and their enlightenment. The fact is that Bhikshuni practitioners in the early modern period had almost no backing of scriptural study and they firmly believed in their masters. Investigating hwadu (key phrase) and checking the study through estimation by question and answer was indispensable conditions for attaining enlightenment. Those Bhikshunis who attained enlightenment showed their spiritual realm relevant to hwadu practice through question and answer with many masters of high virtue in many areas and helped one another. Those masters of high virtue gave Dharma-transmission verses to those Bhikshunis who attained enlightenment or granted them Dharma-names together with sentences in the form of verse as a guidebook for practice. The so-called Dharma-transmission verses that younger disciples handed down were the phrases chosen from Buddhist scriptures or treatises not for Dharma-transmission but for hwadu practice. Bhikshunis who showed their high spiritual realm relevant to hwadu practice taught younger disciples and also gave Dharma-words to them at the beginning of retreat. Comparing the above-mentioned practice form of Bhikshuni practitioners and that of modern practitioners, I think the Jogye Order’s educational system should be reconsidered. The Jogye Order should ponder on first-doctrine-later-Seon 先禪後敎rather than first-Seon-later-doctrine 先 敎後修, estimation by a master of high virtue through question-and-answer for effective genuine hwadu Seon practice and a proper system for the approval of the enlightenment, qualification for a Dharma-transmission verse of an approved practitioner and recipes for using the verse in guiding and teaching practitioners, and discrimination between Dharma-age and spiritual realm relevant to hwadu practice for boosting the heated spirit of seeking the Way. The crux of phrase-observing Seon is self-and-others’ way of checking the enlightenment. The plan of checking the enlightenment lies in a master of high virtue. However, seeing that many eminent masters of high virtue in the early modern period led Bhikshuni practitioners to get the approval of the enlightenment from many masters in many regions to say nothing of one master, the Order also should extra carefully suggest some measures for this. The elaborate steps of Seon study and Seon master’s scrupulous warning staffs should be added to the Seon practice process of practitioners who aim to see one’s own nature and accomplish Buddhahood through phrase-observing Seon. These basic reforms should be made at the Order’s level.

대행선에 관한 일고 -『한마음 요전』을 중심으로

강문선(혜원)(Kang, Moon-Seon(Ven, Hye-Won)) 대행선연구원 2018 한마음연구 Vol.1 No.-

This thesis aims at investigating the course of truth seeking Venerable Myogong Daehaeng (1927-2012) took by herself and at examining her full awakening to the truth, rather than viewing Daehaeng Seon from the standpoint of patriarch Seon, gongan Seon, ganhwa Seon, or the theory of original buddhahood. The scope of my investigation is restricted to the period ranging from Daehaeng’s childhood to her arrival at Baengnyeonsa Temple in Jecheon City in order to ‘dim her radiance and mingle with the dust of the world’ 和光同塵 as recorded in the Han mau m yojeon: Daehaen g sunim haengjanggi, peobeojip. My thesis is generally based on this book. Before and after Daehaeng’s teen life, Korea was in the gloomy conditions under Japanese colonial rule. On account of dire poverty and ill-treatment by her father, Daehaeng at that time had an extremely hard time: she frequently run away from home and slept in the open air. But on the contrary this situation allowed her to thoroughly investigate such things as ‘life’, ‘uncertain self-existence’, ‘refuge’, and ‘existence’. She pursued to find out a compassionate ‘father’ in her inner world as a replacement of her cruel father in the troubled external world. This is the starting point of Daehaeng Seon. At the age of nine, Daehaeng came to the recognition of life through the question of “Who led me to such a state?” She looked straight on the reality of the world full of discrimination and hardship, but discovered that there is an inner world, namely ‘he(father),’ in which people can find their inherent peace and refuge beyond this troubled world. In other words, she understood that ‘he’ and ‘I’ are coexistent. At the age of fourteen, when she met Master Hanam, she longed for seeing the actual appearance of ‘father’ with Hanam’s compassionate nature as condition. Ten years after that, she realized that the actual ‘I’ and inherent ‘he’ are non-dual. Before, the actual ‘I’ followed the inner ‘him’[master] but now she penetrated a basic spiritual barrier upon removing the boundary between ‘he’ and ‘I’. In 1950 when she was twenty-four years of age, Daeng became a novice nun. Master Hanam noticed Daehaeng’s capability of following the buddha-way and acknowledged that she had been free from affliction. Hanam gave her the dharma name Cheonggak 靑覺 and entrusted her with an order that she now go her own way. Daehaeng continued her traveling practice firmly abiding in the contemplation of no-thought in which she stayed only at the things touching to her comfortable mind. One day both at a graveyard and from her reflection in water, she reached a thorough realization that the ‘I’ in the actual world and ‘he’ in the fundamental nature are neither the same nor different. Thereafter, in her capacity as a free person, she set off to extend compassion to all sentient beings, manifesting unrestricted competency. Daehaeng had already realized that the troubled reality [guest] and secured inner fundamental nature [master] are both coexistent and non-dual. All Hanam did was merely to approve Daehaeng’s intent of Seon. Furthermore, Daehaeng did not know about the Chinese Chan (Seon) in Tang China. However, rather than being in the style of the ‘ordinary mind is free from troubles’ 平常無事 of Mazu Daoyi 馬祖道一, Daehaeng Seon corresponds to the lineage of Shitou Xiqian 石頭希遷 because Shitou Chan emphasizes the original self whose aspects in the actual world and fundamental nature are not rejected but maintained as they are, and considered as non-different. Like this, we can find that Daehaeng Seon embraces in Seon all the activities such as looking straight on both the nature and actual world; thereby finding out an inner refuge; and realizing one’s ‘original self’ in which one can reach the union of various phenomena. I think this features prominently in Daehaeng Seon. 본 논문은 ‘대행선’을 조사선, 공안선, 간화선, 본래성불론 등의 관점에서 바라보기보다는 그의 생애(1927-2012)에서 스스로 형성된 구도의 과정과 증오證悟를 살펴보는 데에 목표를 둔다. 연구의 범위는 유년기에서 제천 백련사에 당도하여 ‘화광동진和光同塵’하는 시기 이전까지로 하며, 『한마음 요전』을 중심으로 고찰했다. 대행의 10대 전후는, 암울한 일제 강점기였으며 가세의 몰락과 부친의 학대 가출과 노숙으로 이어진 극히 어려운 시기였다. 이로 인해 ‘생명’, ‘불확실한 자기존재’, ‘도피처’, ‘실존’ 등에 대해 궁구하게 되었으며 고난의 외부세계보다 내면에서 혹독한 아빠를 대신 할 수 있는 자애로운 ‘아빠’를 찾으려 한다. 대행의 선禪은 여기서 비롯된다. 대행의 나이 9세, ‘누가 나를 이렇게 만들었는가?’라는 간절한 물음은 현실이 분명 차별과 고난의 세계임을 직시한 것이지만, 이 를 벗어난 본래 평화롭고 위안처가 되는 내면의 세계, 즉 ‘그(渠= 아빠)’가 있음을 발견한다. 다시 말해서 ‘그’와 ‘나’가 둘이 공존함을 알게 된다. 14세, 모친을 따라 선지식 한암을 만나게 되고 스님의 자비로운 성품이 기인이 되어 ‘아빠’의 현실의 모습을 보기를 갈망한다. 10년 후, 현실의 ‘나’와 본래의 ‘그’가 불이임을 체득하게 된다. 그동안 현실의 ‘나’가 내면의 ‘그[주인공]’를 따라다녔는데 이제 ‘그’와 ‘나’가 소통이 되고 경계가 없어진다. 말하자면 초관初關을 투득透得한 것이다. 낙발落髮하기 전의 일이다. 24세(1950) 대행은 사미니가 되고, 한암은 대행과의 문답에서 대행의 법기法器를 알아보고 이미 신심身心이 투탈透脫되었음을 안다. 법명을 청각靑覺으로 내리고 ‘이제 네 길을 가라’고 부촉付囑한다. 대행의 만행은 계속되고 무심관으로 편안한 마음에 와 닿는 것에만 응주凝住할 뿐이었다. 어느 날 묘지에서, 또한 물에 비친 자신의 모습에서 현실의 ‘나’와 본래성의 ‘그’가 불일불이不一不異임을 철견徹見하였다. 견자성見自性한 것이다. 이후 ‘자유인’으로서 자재 한 권능으로 ‘입전수수入鄽垂手’의 길로 나섰다. 대행은 이미 고된 현실[客]과 안정된 내면의 본래성[主]을 직시하고 관찰하여 이 둘이 공존함을 알았고 객과 주가 불이임을 알았다. 한암은 대행의 선지禪旨를 인가했을 뿐이다. 또한 대행은 중국 당대唐代의 선을 알지 못했다. 그러나 그의 선은 ‘평상무사’의 마조계馬祖系 선禪보다 이를 비판하고 현실태와 본래성을 유지하면서 이 양자를 상즉시키는 ‘자기自己’를 중요시 하는 석두계石頭系 선禪에 상응됨을 살필 수 있었다. 이와 같이 대행선에서는 자연과 현실의 세계를 직시, 내면의 안락처를 발견, 이를 상즉相卽시키는 ‘자기自己’를 투득하는 것 등이 전부 선禪임을 알 수 있다. 이것이 바로 대행선의 특색이라고 본다.