RISS 학술연구정보서비스

검색
다국어 입력

http://chineseinput.net/에서 pinyin(병음)방식으로 중국어를 변환할 수 있습니다.

변환된 중국어를 복사하여 사용하시면 됩니다.

예시)
  • 中文 을 입력하시려면 zhongwen을 입력하시고 space를누르시면됩니다.
  • 北京 을 입력하시려면 beijing을 입력하시고 space를 누르시면 됩니다.
닫기
    인기검색어 순위 펼치기

    RISS 인기검색어

      검색결과 좁혀 보기

      선택해제
      • 좁혀본 항목 보기순서

        • 원문유무
        • 음성지원유무
        • 원문제공처
          펼치기
        • 등재정보
          펼치기
        • 학술지명
          펼치기
        • 주제분류
          펼치기
        • 발행연도
          펼치기
        • 작성언어
          펼치기
        • 저자
          펼치기

      오늘 본 자료

      • 오늘 본 자료가 없습니다.
      더보기
      • 무료
      • 기관 내 무료
      • 유료
      • KCI등재

        러시아의 대외 군사·안보정책 결정과정 : 대한반도 정책에 미치는 영향 Its Effects on Policy toward Korea

        김병기 한국전략문제연구소 1998 전략연구 Vol.5 No.3

        When Boris Yeltsin was elected President of the Russian Federation in 1990. the former Soviet republic lacked those crucial political institutions necessary for consolidating his power and authority. These organs-which existed in other republics. which thereby enhanced the political consolidation of former Communist Party members who came into power-constituted the republican Committee on State Security (or the KGB). the Ministry of International Affairs. and even Academy of Sciences and radio/television channels. Lacking the institutional bases for effective rule, Yeltsin on the other hand, inherited Soviet power ministries with whom he had to struggle to "Russianize" it. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation, and the Liberal Democratic Party which inhetrited the balk of the organizational and ideological remanants of the powerful Soviet Communist Party apparatus. moreover, generated major barriers towards institutionalization of Yeltsin's presidency. Such difficult situation, on the whole. helped generate the bloody suppression of the Parliament on October of 1993, the consolidation of the anti-center oriented Siberian Agreement of 1994, and even the Chechen crisis from the same year. Andrei Kozyrev followed a policy of full and complete Westernization in 1992, agreeing on all major issues which NATO and the United States positively thought. including the joining of the military coalition against Irag--a former ally of the Soviet Union. Such policy, however, brought not full economic, political and military integration with the West, but isolation and new ideological division along the shrunken border of the Russian Federation with the Baltic countries, and the CIS. Contrary to expectations, former members of the now defunct Warsaw Pact Organization began to join NATO, while even members of the former Soviet Union begin to seek membership. Kozyrev, all in all, ignored not only Russia's strategic interests vis-a-vis the West, but also, its immediate concerns in the Near Abroad where millions of ethnic Russians resided, who were facing daily economic, social and even political threats to their security. These problems were seriously politicized; the Communists and the Liberal Democrats along with the scattered Russian armed forces began to call for a turn towards "within" and the much ignored "Near Abroad." Between the years 1992 and the beginning of 1996, Kozyrev was forced to follow the lines of the domestic conservatives, thereby weakening the institution of the Presidency, and generating the popular image of a weak-willed administration. At the beginning of 1996 Yeltsin appointed Yevgeny Primakov--then the Director of Counter- Foreign Intelligence Agency--as Foreign Minister. A Middle Eastern expert by training and a long-time bureaucrat in the Propaganda Department of the Central Committee he began to reorient Russian foreign policy away from US/West Europe to the Near Abroad. In the national security concept developed in 1998, for example, the predominant emphasis is placed on domestic dimension, namely, stablized economic transition towards market economy, and parellel social conditions. In the field of external policy, Primakov proved instrumental in preempting a formation of second military coalition against Iraq--with the help of France and China. In fact, Primakov is reportedly supplying Iraq with nuclear technology for energy purposes. Primakov also actively opposed the expansion of NATO, pressuring the Baltic countries not to join the military bloc. Parenthetically, such show of pressure against the West meant that within the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) no outside forces can interfere: moreover by exporting missiles to Northern Cyprus, an area controlled by Greece. which has a confrontation with Southern Cyprus. an area controlled by Turkey. Primakov intends to weaken NATO internally. by accelarating tension among the two members. The contraction of the border in the Western frontier. and threat of NATO toward it has forced Russia to seek compensation in the Southern frontier. In the Caucasus. Moscow was successful in forcing Georgia to join the CIS by supporting the Abkhazian seperatists as was also with Azerbaijan whose enemies Armenia and its seperatists in contentious Nargono-Karaback it also supported. Moscow felt threatened by the ethnic-disturbances in the Caucasus and the geopolitical encroachements being made by Turkey. a strong ally of the United States. Primakov is reinforcing Russia's relations with Iran for three reasons: (1) to offset Turkey. China and the US' influence in the Middle East and Central Asia: (2) to deny US rapproachment with Tehran with whom Washington desires closer trade and political relations: and (3) to export, like towards irag. nuclear related technology for energy purposes. In Kosovo. moreover. Primakov has intervened on behalf of the Serbs against the Albanians. whose forces are supported by the Western diplomatic community. These policies have earned Primakov not only the support of the Communists and the Liberal Democrats who form the majority in the Duma, but also, have strengthened Yeltsin's. domestic position through essential conservatization of Russia's foreign policy. It is support for these feats that Yeltsin awarded the highest medal of public service to Primakov as well as personally visiting him at the Foreign Ministry this year. Primakov has also recently engineered the breakthrough in the reestablishment of talks with Tokyo for normalizing its relations. a moved aimed at weakening the US grip on Japan. Moscow knows and appreciates the markedly grown influence of China in both Koreas: it also worries the recent improvement of US-Sino relations. Only by improving its relations with Pyongyang can Moscow redress its imbalnce on the Korean peninsula; but given the five years of freeze in its relationship. Moscow had no means of approaching Pyongyang other than by way of kicking out the South Korean diplomat as a way of showing Pyongyang that it is ready to deal more equally with North Korea. Given the current freeze in North Korean-US. North Korean-Japanese and inter-Korean talks. Seoul must be ready to exercise more independent initiative in its foreign policy.

      • KCI등재

        유상증자 후의 장기 주가수익률 및 영업성과

        김병기,공명재 한국재무관리학회 2000 財務管理硏究 Vol.17 No.1

        본 연구는 1987년부터 1997년까지 11년간을 연구기간으로 하여 이 기간 중에 유상증자를 실시한 기업에 대한 장기(長期) 성과를 조사했다. 연구방법으로는 증자기업과 기업규모, 장부가-시가비율, 수익성에 있어 유사한 비증자기업을 비교기업으로 엄선하여 양 그룹간의 증자 후 3년간의 주가수익률과 영업성과를 비교하는 방법을 택했다. 실증분석 결과 증자기업이 비증자기업에 비해 주가수익률과 영업성과에 있어 모두 월등한 성과를 보이고 있는 것으로 나타났다. 구체적으로 증자 후 3년 동안 증자기업의 보유기간수익률이 비증자기업에 비해 27.7%나 낮았으며, 증자전후 7년 동안의 영업성과에 있어서도 증자기업이 통계적으로 유의한 저성과를 보이고 있는 것으로 나타났다. 또한 유상증자로 재무구조가 개선된다는 증거도 발견할 수 없었다. 이 밖에도 본 연구는 초과 주가수익률과 초과 영업성과에 대한 시계열적 특징을 조사하였으며, 증자시점에 관해서도 주가가 상승하고 있을 때 유상증자를 실시하는 경향이 있지만 증자 전 회계적 이익이 큰 기업이 증자를 실시하는 경향은 없다는 증거를 제시하고 있다.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        ‘金’, ‘淸’皇朝와 新羅‘麻衣太子’의 相關可能性에 대한 推論

        김병기 한국중국문화학회 2018 中國學論叢 Vol.0 No.57

        「麻衣太子」是新羅朝代最后的太子,多視為‘傳說’或‘說話’中的人物。但本 文從歷史事實的角度分析并推論「麻衣太子」與金朝、後金及清朝建國的關聯 性。本文的內容簡介如下: ① 關於韓國「江原道」內「麟蹄郡」之「金富里」村名及所謂[김부대왕 Kim Bu Dae Wang]的名稱,本文認為其并非指「敬順王」的「金傅大王」之 名,而是指「敬順王」之太子就是「麻衣太子」的名字「金鎰」之王稱「金 富大王」 ② 《金史》卷一、本紀一、 〈世紀〉中記載,金國之始祖是「金函普」。 本文推論「金函普」乃是麻衣太子「金鎰」。 ③ 金朝皇家之姓氏「完顏氏」乃是「金氏」,並且清朝皇家之姓氏「愛新覺 羅」亦指「金氏」而其含意乃是「愛覺新羅」。

      • KCI등재

        입자성장 억제제 VC/TaC가 첨가된 나노구조 WC-Co 초경 복합분말의 제조와 소결 특성 연구

        김병기,하국현,권대환,김진천 한국분말야금학회 2002 한국분말재료학회지 (KPMI) Vol.9 No.4

        In this study, the WC-10 wt.%Co nanopowders doped by grain growth inhibiter were produced by three different methods based on the spray conversion process. Agglomerated powders with homeogenous distribution of alloying elements and with internal particles of about 100-200 nm in diameter were synthesized. The microstructural changes and sintering behavior of hardmetal compacts were compared with doping method and sintering conditions. The microstructure of hardmetals was very sensitive to doping methods of inhibitor. Nanostructured WC-Co hardmetal powder compacts containing TaC/VC doped by chemical method instead of ball-milling shown superior sintering densification, and the microstructure maintained ultrafine scale with rounded WC particles.

      • SCOPUSKCI등재

        막냉각홀 주위와 원형돌출봉 주위에서의 열(물질)전달의 측정과 해석

        김병기,우성제 대한기계학회 1997 大韓機械學會論文集B Vol.21 No.11

        The present study investigates heat/mass transfer around film cooling jets and circular cylinders to compare the characteristics of each other. Experiments are conducted to obtain the detailed heat/mass transfer coefficients of flat plate with injections through an array of holes and for flows around an array of protruding circular cylinders using the naphthalene sublimation technique. The inclination angles of cylinders are set to the same ones of jets; a, the angle between the jet and the surface is fixed at 30 deg. through the whole experiments and .betha., the angle between the projection of the jet on the surface and the direction of main stream is adjusted to 0 deg., 45 deg. and 90 deg. to investigate the effect of variation of injection angles. The influence of blowing rates of jets and those of cylinder length to diameter ratios are also investigated. The results indicate that the increase of angle .betha. influences the spanwise uniformity of heat/mass transfer remarkably for both jets and cylinders, but that variation of cylinder length to diameter ratios has weaker effects on heat/mass transfer coefficients than that of blowing rates.

      • KCI등재
      • 연결요소와 색상정보를 이용한 실제적 문서영상 분할

        김병기,Kim, Pyeoung-Kee 한국정보처리학회 2000 정보처리논문지 Vol.7 No.1

        문서영상의 분할은 문서인식의 전 과정 중에서 인식률에 큰 영향을 미치는 단계이지만 국내에서는 양적${\cdot}$질적으로 이에 대한 실제적인 연구가 부족한 것이 사실이다. 그 결과, 구조가 복잡하거나 칼라로 인쇄된 문서의 분할은 여전히 개선할 점이 많다. 본 논문에서는 불규칙한 다단, 점선, 그래픽, 사진 등의 다양하고 복잡한 요소로 구성된 문서의 실제적인 분할문제들을 살펴보고, 연결요소와 색상정보를 이용하여 이들을 효율적으로 분할하는 실제적 문서영상 분할 기법을 제안한다. 윤곽선 추출을 이용하여 다양한 형태의 모든 연결요소를 추출하고, 추출된 연결요소별 유형판정 및 연결요소 병합기준을 이용함으로써 정확한 문서영상 분할이 가능하다. 또한 색상문서의 경우, 정확한 문서분할과 처리시간 개선을 위하여 먼저 이진화된 문서에 대해서 문자와 비문자 영역으로 분할한 후, 필요에 따라 비문자 영역에 대하여 별도의 칼라별 영역분할을 수행한다. 제안된 방법의 성능을 확인하기 위하여 다양한 구조와 내용을 갖는 180장의 문서영상을 대상으로 문서분할 실험을 수행하였다. 아울러, 6가지 국내외 상용 문서인식 소프트웨어의 문서영상 분할 결과와 비교함으로써 제안한 방법이 복잡한 문서영상의 실제적 분할에 우수한 성능을 보임을 확인하였다. While page segmentation is an important step in document recognition, there haven's been many researches on it. More improvement is still needed on the segmentation of document elements in complicated or color documents. In this paper, I present a new page segmentation method which can segment pages with multiple columns, dotted lines, graphics, and photographs. I extract all connected components using contour following and combine them depending on the size and positional information of them. Separate text location is done for non-text color regions to extract possible text lines. To see the performance of the proposed method, experiments are done for 180 documents. Four commercial OCR programs are also tested and the proposed method showed the best result.

      연관 검색어 추천

      이 검색어로 많이 본 자료

      활용도 높은 자료

      해외이동버튼