現代産業社會 知識人의 야누스적 모습

申幸澈 제주대학교 1984 논문집 Vol.22 No.2

The present paper is to examine the so-called Janus-faced intellectuals of contemporary society. The intellectuals criticize the society in a detached position, or take part in the established system by engaging in the conduct of political affairs. Since the participant intellectuals could perceive and accept the actual restrictions of the established system, the state of their oppression due to participation is thought to be inevitable. On the contrary, the detached critics see through the hidden dimension of existing system, expose it in public, and declare the reconstruction of sane society in the name of morality. Here, we find the Janus-faced intellectuals. One is the face to support passionately the ideology, and the other is the face with their intense aspirations of the truth. In other words, the former is the priestic face and the latter is the prophetic face proper to the intellectuals. As an individual, the intellectual has an agonized look, because he is coerced to select one of two alternatives, as do, for example, idealistic and realistic intellectuals. He is able to be inclined to either of the two. The following discusses these dual properties of the intellectuals in terms of three dimensions: historical, social and psychological. (1) The rise of intellectuals in history: Intellectuals, in history, are the descendants of the priests supporting the sacred traditionalism, while they are also the successors of the insightful prophets denouncing the wicked cliques, detached from the Royal Court and the church. When we want to find the roots of contemporary intellectuals in history, the one root is found in the ‘experts of means’ supporting the bourgeoisie, during and after the Enlightment of modern age. In the 'unattached free-floating intellectuals' connected with the so-called Dreyfus affair in the late 19th century, the other is found. These letter are utopians, while the former are ideologyproponents. (2) The position of social stratification: Contemporary intellectuals are not included in one stratum of their own. They are, on the one hand, components of the ruling class connected with a governing elite, and are, on the other, members of an amorphous stratum outside of the dominant structure. The former is the participant as a technocrat, and the latter is unattached as a free-floating intellectual. (3) The psychological conflict of intellectuals: Intellectuals cannot help but suffer internal conflict as they confront the opposition between the truth in the human society, and the ideology of the ruling class. They experience also much of the conflict between their aptitude to freedom and autonomy, and the necessity of following the existing order of the system. It is their specialized knowledge and techniques that make the intellectuals take either the face of unattached critics or the face of participants supporting the dominant system. The intellectuals of contemporary society could tae the position of ‘Le spectateur engage’, the new face which synthesizes both of their antinomic faces of Janus. Is, however, this face possible as a matter of fact, in present or future? In the end, wouldn't intellectuals be reduced to layman with pale look because of their subjection to the control of ruling elite? These problems would be beyond our discussions in this paper, though they might be discussed in another one.

사회계급의 개념과 관점

신행철 濟州大學校 地域社會發展硏究所 1997 논문집 Vol.34 No.1

재일제주교포(在日濟州僑胞): 그 소수집단(少數集團)으로서의 성격(性格)과 계층(階層) 구조(構造)

신행철 제주대학교 탐라문화연구소 1982 탐라문화 Vol.0 No.1

韓國農村 地域社會의 特性과 그 權力構造 類型 간의 關聯性에 관한 硏究 : 濟州道의 行政里單位를 대상으로

申幸澈 제주대학교 1984 논문집 Vol.18 No.2

There are three types of community power structure in rural Korea; (1) quasi-leader sovereignty, (2) unitary elite, and (3) factional type. These types of power structure were examined with reference to the characteristics of community Based on other community studies, ten community variables were supposed to be related to the power structure as follows: (1) geographical setting (2) suburbanity (distance to the nearest town or city) (3) access to the transportation facilities (distance to the main bus route) (4) number of households (5) educational attainment of inhabitants (6) occupational structure (ratio of non-farm households) (7) standard of living (8) clan composition (9) number of voluntary organizations (10) access to public services (ratio of households with a telephone). Data were collected from two, social surveys in 1981 and 1983 respectively. Each survey was conducted at 8 villages (administrative Ri) on Cheju Island. The major findings are summarized as follows; (1) Except for three variables such as the distance to the main bus route, the ratio of non-farm households and the number of voluntary organizations, other variables were related to the community power structure in a greater or less degree. (2) As a community power structure, quasi-leader sovereignty or factional type was found in the semi-hilly region, while unitary elite in the coastal region. (3) In the villages near to the town or to the city quasi-leader sovereignty was found, while in the villages far from the urban unitary elite was found. (4) With reference to village size in terms of the number of households, the power structures in large and small villages tended to be a quasi-leader sovereignty. In the middle-scale villages unitary elite or factional type was found. (5) As for relationship between the standard of living and the type of community power structure, the standard of living in the villages with a quasi-leader sovereignty is higher than that in the villages with an unitary elite. The factional type was mainly found in the villages with high standard of living. (6) Unitary elite was found in the villages without a clan or with two clans, while factional type in the villages with one dominant clan, and quasi-leader sovereignty in the villages with one powerless clan. Even though the above findings are somewhat tentative, these would be an important base for the future studies on the type of community power structure.

韓國農村開發 엘리트集團의 構造와 性格 : A Community Power Structural Approach to Administrative'Ri' Development Committee in Rural Cheju 濟州道 行政里의 '里開發委員會'에 대한 地域社會 權力構造論的 考察

申幸澈 제주대학교 1983 논문집 Vol.16 No.2

It is generally based on the premise employed in the elitist viewpoint to discuss and identify elite groups composed of a small number of leaders excercising influences within a community. This study is also based on such a viewpoint. In case of rural community in Korea, however, it is a well-known fact that the'Ri'Development Committee which is organized in the administrative area units plays the role as a main social force of rural development. Therefore, this study aimed at analyzing the group structure and significance of the'Ri'Development Committee, treating it as the development elite group. The total number of administrative 'Ri's in Cheju (approximately 170) were defined as the universe of this study. Out of them, 8'Ri's were selected at random, and then a personal interview with the members of the committees was conducted with a structured questionnaire. In addition, a reputational approach was supplemented for the analysis of the power relations among the members of the committees. The following two subjects were analyzed and discussesd on the basis of the data drawn from the approaches outlined above. First, the structure of power relation among the members of the committees was covered by the concentric sociogram technique. Its focus was given to analyze: (1) the different patterns of the group structures of the elites, and (2) the stratified structure of the groups. Secondly, the sociological significance of the development elites was analyzed in terms of their socio-economic status within the community. A cross-analysis method was employed for this subject with a special attention on their sociological significances between three types of elites classifiable according to the stratified structure of the groups. Concomitantly, the characteristics of all the elites surveyed were figured out from the findings. It was worth mentioning that the group structure of the development elites could be classified into three types: single elite type, dually-factional type, and trebly-factional type. The dually-factional type was most prevailing in the communities surveyed, while the single elite type was a few (only one case was found in this survey). This would illustrate that a conflict among the development elites may possibly exist in the processes of the decision-making in the most of the rural communities. This conflict would be interpreted as a possibility for the intervention of outside influentials as an arbitrator in the process of decision-making of the elite groups. Thus, it can be mentioned that the real power structure of rural community might be composed of the elites including the outside influentials. This interpretation can be indirectly supported by the fact that the formal elites interviewed have shown occasionally a tendency to choose the persons other than their in-group members in the sociogram approach, even though this is a field beyond the study. The stratified structure of the development elite group is another significant discussion on the analysis of their group structure. The development elites were found to be stratefied into three types with regard to this approach. The types can be respectively defined as the key elite, the middle elite, and the marginal elite. The marginal elite was highest in the number, and the middle elite was least. When is another important fact is that most chiefs of the'Ri's who are the persons in charge of administrative affairs were belonged to the key elite, while they were belonged to the middle elite in case of the trebly-factional-typed cominunity. The socio-economic status of each stratum of the elites can be summarized as follows: (1) The Key Elite Stratum 1) are largely composed of the native settlers over several generations. Interestingly, they are also composed of the pesons who have lived for relatively short generations, compared with the middle elite stratum. 2) are relatively composed the persons aged 50-59, compared with the other two elite strata. 3) are lain between the middle elite and the marginal elite in terms of their educational attainment. 4) are largely engaged in the agriculture, even though some of them take up a side job. The case of simple agriculture tends to be higher, compared with that of the middle and the marginal elite. 5) are highest in terms of the size of farm land possessed. This would be interpreted to be related with the fact that most of them are engaged in the agriculture as a main job. 6) are composed of the persons who have lived in the rural community from generation to generation, and then are well acquainted with the life of the rural community. 7) tend to show a relatively active organizational activity, compared with the marginal elite. However, their activities tend to be limited within their own community. (2) The Middle Elite Stratum 1) as was in case of the key elite stratum, they are also composed of largely the native settlers over generations. Most of them have lived in the community since their grandfathers' generations. Interestingly, 70% out of them have lived in the community since their great-great-grandfathers' generations. 2) are relatively aged 40-49, compared with the other two elite strata. 3) have a high educational attainment. 4) in regard to their occupations, the agriculture is their main job. However, its proportion is lower than that of the key elite and is higher than that of the marginal elite. 5) are higher than the marginal elite stratum arid are lower than the key elite stratum in terms of the size of farm land possessed. However, it is higher than both the key elite and the marginal elite in the proportion to manage the scale of farm land (defined as 6,000 Pyeong and more). 6) show a relatively longer experience of the urban dwelling, compared with the other two elite strata. 7) their social organizational activities are very active and are extended to the outside of their own community. (3) The Marginal Elite Stratum 1) have a lower locational relation, compared with the other two elite strata. This might be caused by the fact that they are largely composed of the persons who have lived in the community from their own generation and/or their fathers' generation. 2) are relatively composed of the persons aged 30-39. 3) have a relatively lower educational attainment. 4) the agriculture is rather a side job. This tendency seems tri cause their rural characteristics to be disappeared. 5) their possession of farm land which would be considered to tie related with the characteristics of main rural job are of small scale. 6) show the lowest social organizational activities among the three elite strata. The above findings lead to the following tentative conclusions. The marginal elites can be defined as an inferior peripheral group in the Korean rural development in terms of their socioeconomic status, and the middle elites are endowed with the most hearted and progressive social characteristics. In contrast, the key elites can be defined as a native and conservative group, and generally they take interest ill the internal affairs of their community. Applying the dominant property of the influentials employed by R.K. Melton, it can be summarized that the key elites would express the attributes of the local influentials, while the middle elites would express those of the cosmopolitan leaders. Inferring the profiles of the universe based on the findings drawn from the samples, the elites of rural development would be largely composed of the following demographic and socio-economic profiles: (1) educational attainment of senior high school and over, (2) middle socio-economic status with 3,000 Pyeong and more farm land, (3) aged 40-49 who have lived in the community for long generations including themselves and their forefather's, (4) relatively traditional natives who have no experience of urban life and the participation ill the voluntary organizational activity beyond their community. It is easy to conclude from the above findings, though a hypothetical one, that the group structure of Korean (Cheju) rural development elites appears dominantly to be specified as a dually-factional type with a intergroup conflict. As was mentioned above, the stratification of the development elites could be classified into three different types in terms of the group structure. Especially among the three types, the key elite stratum as the main leading group keeps the native and conservative attribute which would be specified as the represenl3.tives of the typical rural development elites. Another important tentative conclusion is that the Korean rural development elites seem to be accustomed to the rural life and their dominant interests seem to be focussed on the whole rural affairs. Further, they seem to be placed in the position of the similar category of interest to the inhabitants in their community. Also, they would have a high possibility of conservative ideology, would consider the maintenance of human relation as being important, and would Prefer the gradual change rather than the revolutionary one. These properties of the rural elites would make them difficult to become a revolutionary group in terms of attaining the development goal established. This difficulty would be caused by the fact that they always boar in mind the friendly contact with the inhabitants in their community. In other words, they give priority to the efficiency rather than to the group effectiveness. This property of the rural development elites would reflect one of the typical aspects of the rural development in Korea.

濟州社會硏究의 展開와 課題

申幸澈 濟州大學校 새마을硏究所 1988 새마을硏究論文集 Vol.5 No.-

韓國農村地域社會의 權力構造에 대한 硏究 : 濟州道의 行政單位部落을 中心으로

申幸澈 제주대학 1980 논문집 Vol.12 No.2

This research paper aims at studying the general types of power structure in korean rural communities. The power structures in communities can theoretically be divided into these types, 1) leader sovereignty, 2) unitary elite, 3) factional, 4) coalitional, 5) consensual mass, 6) and mass sovereignty type. Of these leader sovereignty, unitary elite and factional types are elitist, and the others pluralistic. I conducted social research on adminstrative 'Ri's(villages) throughout 8 Jeju-island in order to investigate the actual conditions among the power structures in our rural communities. The approach used in this research is reputational one. Research data were analyzed according to the conception of power pools, and by a sociogram technique. We discussed the types of community power structures represented in this research. Power pools differed greatly in size among administrative 'iR's (villages), but a simple arithmetic mean shows that power in 8 villages concentrates on influential persons who are equal to about 6 percent of household in each village. The degree of the concentration is greater in a large village than in a small one, while greater in coastal villages than in mountain villages. The influential relationships among high ranking leader's in power pools were analyzed and put it into the form of a diagram. Accordingly, the community power structure in rural Jeju may be summalized as follows: There are three types of power structure in the rural communities. The unitary elite type is the most common power structure. In addition to this type there was also widespread 'quasi-loader sovereignty,' And yet the factional type is rather rare.

제주 농촌지역사회의 권력구조

申幸澈 제주대학교 탐라문화연구소 1988 탐라문화 Vol.0 No.7

役割槪念과 社會福祉 : 社會福祉 分野에 있어서의 役割槪念 적용을 위한 小論 Toward an Application of Role Concept to the Field of Social Welfare

申幸澈 濟州大學校 社會科學大學 社會發展硏究所 1985 社會發展硏究 Vol.1 No.-

葛藤理論에 있어서의 産業社會의 階級形成에 관한 理論 檢討 : Ralf Dahrendorf를 中心으로 Ralf Dahrendorf's View

申幸澈 제주대학 1981 논문집 Vol.13 No.2

The main purpose of the study intends to present a systematic interpretation and to reorganize R. Dahrendorf's class formation theory, including paying some additional attention to other's view. While Dahrendorf gives a positive critique to Marx's ideas, his theoretical position is substantially on a different one from that of Marx. Therefore, to make Dabrendorf's view clear, it seems to be essential to dicuss his theory in closely connection with that of Marx's. Since Marx, industrial societies heave been changed sifnificantly through continuous mdustrialization. And contemporary society we live in is not such a society that had provided a foundation for Marx's theory formation of class. Considered empirically, Marx's dichotomic class theory, which had been designed to analyse a dynamic historical movement, has been found to commit an error in modern industrial society, the "post-capitalist society" in terms of Dahrendorf. The argument of Marx's concepts and theory has been set out by many writers, but Dahrendorf is the most eminent one. Staring with supplement of the uncompleted chapter ("The Classes") of Marx's Capital, in his "Class and Class Conflict in industrial Society", he cirticized that thinker's theory of class and suggested an alternative class model based on some empirical examinations of the changes in the class structure in some industrial societies since Marx. According to Dahrendorf's view, some of the important changes in the class sturcture of post-capitalist society are as follows; (1) Accompanied with the decomposition of capital, a new managerial group emerged. (2) As a result of the decomposition of labor, the working class became to be far from its unity and homogenity as single class. (3) Along with the decomposition of both capital and labor, new middle class of occupying its position between capitalist and wotking class made the boundaries of classes somewhat ambiguious. In a political unit of state as one of the important forms of 'imperatively co-ord-inated association', on the other hand, the class structure is divided into these: (1) the ruling groups, (2) the service class, (3) the ruled groups, and (4) the intellectuals. Our discussion, thus, can be summarized : It is Dahrendorf's view that the class sturcture in indsturial society is multi-divisional and complex. But his theory is problematic in its universality because as Dahrendorf suggested, his theory is applicable only to some industrial societies. Addition to, other aspects would be criticized.