고려 동북 9성의 범위와 ‘公嶮鎭 立碑’ 문제

윤경진(Yoon, Kyeong-Jin) 역사실학회 2016 역사와실학 Vol.61 No.-

이 논문은 고려 예종대 동북 9성의 개척과 관련하여 개척 범위를 파악하고 각 城들의 구체적인 위치를 비정하는 한편, 公嶮鎭에 비를 세워 경계로 삼았다는 사적에대해 비판 검토한 것이다. 현재 동북 9성의 개척 범위에 대해서는 함흥평야에 국한된다는 설에 대해 두만강 북쪽까지 이르렀다는 설이 제기되고 있다. 반면 길주 이남에 분포한다는 실학자들의 주장은 크게 주목받지 못했다. 그러나 『고려사』 지리지에서 동북 9성과 연결된 咸州와 吉州, 端州 연혁의 자료적 근거와 「英州廳壁上記」의 “方 300리” 기록, 그리고 당시 작성된 墓誌銘과 주요 전투 기록 등을 종합해 보면, 동북 9성은 吉州 이남 지역에 분포한 것으로 보는 것이 타당하다. 또한 윤관이 개척 후 공험진에 비석을 세워 경계로 삼았다는 기록은 「영주청벽상기」에서 개척 지역이 본래 고구려 땅임을 입증하기 위해 인용한 ‘高句麗 古碑’를 근거로 생성된 것이다. 이 고비는 개척 지역에 있던 진흥왕의 摩雲嶺碑를 이용해서 제시한 것이었다. 공험진은 바로 마운령 지역에 위치하고 있었다. 고려말 이 지역을 다시 개척하면서 이 비는 “공험진에 있던 고구려 고비”에서 “공험진에 세운 고려 비”로 바뀌면서 동북 9성의 경계를 나타내는 것으로 간주되었던 것이다. Examined in this article is the overall range that was covered by the installation of “ine Nthe fortresses in the Northeast region of the Korean peninsula,(동북 9성)” during the reign of king Yejong of Goryeo, as well as the exact locations of those fortresses. The record that says ‘A stone monument was erected at Gong’heom-jin(公嶮鎭) so that it could serve as a marker for the borderline’ is also critically reanalyzed. The Joseon dynasty Shilhak scholar’s past argument that the Northeast Nine Fortresses were actually installed in regions below Gilju(吉州) area was not that well received by modern scholars for decades. But analysis of various historical resources lead us to conclude that the Northeast Nine Fortresses were indeed positioned below Gilju. Also, the record of a stone monument having been erected at Gong’heom-jin(公嶮鎭) to serve as a border marker seems to have been created based upon the contents of an ancient Goguryeo stone tablet which had been earlier cited -inside a record titled Words on the Yeongju Office wall(“Yeongju-cheong Byeoksang-gi, 英州廳壁上記”) - to argue that the newly covered area (by Yun Gwan’s Nine fortresses) had originally been part of the Goguryeo territory. This ancient tablet, however, was actually the Ma’un-ryeong-bi tablet(stone monument at the Ma’un-ryeong mountain range, 摩雲嶺碑) erected by king Jin’heung-wang of Shilla, which happened to be inside the newly covered region. When this region was newly claimed by the Goryeo government at the end of the dynasty, this tablet was believed (or at least newly called) as the “Goryeo tablet erected at Gong’heom-jin,” and was considered as marking the borderline of the Northeast Nine Fortresses.

고려 대몽항쟁기 南道지역의 海島 入保와 界首官

윤경진(Yoon, Kyeong jin) 국방부 군사편찬연구소 2013 군사 Vol.- No.89

Examined in this article are the resettlements on several Islands in the South sea, which were necessitated by the invading Mongol forces. The local governing and military operations during the Goryeo dynasty were traditionally overseen by the local commanders(界首官), and so were the "resident resettlements. "Some units of the primary army were positioned on the islands so that they could preserve their operational capabilities, When it was necessary, they landed on the main land and fought the Mongol forces. Some of the forces occupied mountain fortresses in order to defend crucial inland bases. Nam-gyeong(南京) and the Gwangju-mok(廣州牧) units of the Yang"gwang-do(楊廣道) province moved to the Gang"hwa-do is land, and the Chungju-mok(忠州牧) unit entered the Daebu-do(大府島) island which was under the jurisdiction of A-ju(牙州). In case of Chungju-mok(淸州牧), the units in several areas entered adjacent islands, and some of them entered Chungju Sanseong fortress (忠州山城) and Gongsan-seong(公山城) fortresses as well. In the Jeolla-do(全羅道) province, the Jeonju-mok(全州牧) unit entered both Jo-do(槽島,Ji-do[智島])and Ab"hae-do(押海島) islands and engaged in maritime defense, while the Naju-mok(羅州牧) unit entered Jin-do(珍島) is land to form a defense base. Areas in the Jeolla-do province also entered Ib"am Sanseong fortress(笠巖山城) and Geumseong Sanseong fortress(錦城山城). In Gyeongsang-do(慶尙道) province the Jinju-mok(晉州牧) unit entered the Nam"hae-do(南海島) island, but was not able to enter Dong-gyeong(東京) because of the officials there would not let them into the island.

新羅 中代 太宗(武烈王) 諡號의 追上과 재해석

윤경진(Yoon, Kyeong Jin) 고려사학회 2013 한국사학보 Vol.- No.53

Examined in this article, is the meaning behind the posthumous title presented to King Taejong(太宗) Muyeol-wang(武烈王), and why it was presented to him. Also examined is the fact that such presentation of a posthumous title was to commemorate his alleged service to the unification of the Three Han entities(‘一統三韓’). The title of “Taejong” usually referred to the Successor of the Founder king(“Taejo(太祖)”), so the title itself was an insurance to the person-in-question’s authority and legitimacy. This ‘Taejong’ title was added to KingMu’yeol-wang’s original posthumous title during the reign of king Shinmun-wang, and was designed to indicate the legitimacy of the Mu’yeol-wang line compared to the Jin’pyeongwang line. Later, the Mu’yeol-wang line was severed and the Nae’mul-wang line continued to inherit the throne. The house of Kim Yu-shin(金庾信) felt threatened by the situation, and published a biography of Kim Yu-shin emphasizing his services to the country in order to ensure the house’s authority. In this biography, Kim Yu-shin is described as the central person who contributed (more strongly than others) to the Unification of the Three Han units, and Mu’yeol-wang is described to have received the title of “Taejong” because of his service at the side of Kim Yu-shin. 『Samguk Sagi(三國史記)』 recorded all this, but in consideration of the diplomatic condition of the time, revised the contents to some extent. On the other hand, 『Samguk Yusa(三國遺事)』 recorded the original material without revision.

고려 말 조선 초 서해 · 남해안 僑郡 사례의 분석 : 전라도 · 충청도 · 서해도 지역의 사례

尹京鎭(Yoon Kyeong-jin) 고려사학회 2008 한국사학보 Vol.- No.31

이 논문은 고려 말 조선 초 전라도 · 충청도 · 서해도 지역에서 발생한 僑郡의 사례를 발굴 추출하고, 교군의 설치로부터 환원 · 폐지에 이르는 과정을 분석한 것이다. 珍島縣은 공민왕대 昆湄縣에 교우하다가 태종 9년에 海南縣과 합하여 海珍郡이라 하였다. 태종 14년 본도로 환원되었다가 바로 출륙하였고, 세종 19년에 다시 본도로 환원되었다. 壓海縣과 長山縣 · 臨淄縣 등 도서 군현들은 『신증동국여지승람』 고적조에 실린 廢縣의 연혁과 위치 등을 통해 교군 운영을 확인할 수 있다. 黑山島(榮山縣)는 공민왕 11년 왜적 포로를 바친 공을 감안하여 왜구를 피해 출륙할 때 교우처를 군현으로 승격해 준 사례이다. 長興府는 처음에 道康郡의 修因山城에 교우하다가 우왕 5년에 鐵冶縣으로 이동하였으며, 태조 원년에 속현이던 遂寧縣에 성을 쌓고 정착하였다. 장흥부는 교우 과정에서 일시 寶城郡과 병합된 사적이 보이는데, 「高麗末戶籍斷片」에 보이는 長寶는 이 때 제정된 읍호로 판단된다. 이외에 寶城郡과 靈巖郡 역시 교우를 추정할 수 있다. 高興縣은 우왕 14년경에 兆陽縣에서 교우를 시작했다가 태조 4년에 이를 속현으로 이속받았고, 태조 6년에는 鎭이 설치되었다. 세종 23년 南陽縣과 합치면서 읍치를 荳原縣 지역으로 옮기고 읍호를 興陽으로 바꾸었다. 泰安郡은 문집 자료를 통해 교우가 확인되는데, 공민왕 22년에 瑞山郡에 교우하다가 우왕 9년에 禮山縣으로 옮겼고, 공양왕 2년에 다시 서산군에 성을 쌓고 옮겨왔다. 이곳에는 蓴堤鎭이 설치되었는데, 태종 16년 鎭城을 태안군의 古治로 옮기면서 태안군도 본토로 환원되었다. 白翎鎭은 처음 출륙한 후 文化縣에 교우하다가 鎭將을 폐지하고 문화현의 任內로 편제되었고, 태종 10년에 읍사마저 폐지되어 直村으로 흡수되었다. 세종 9년 백령진 人吏들의 요청에 따라 이들을 永康에 소속시키고 康翎縣이라 하였다. In this article, the Gyogun(僑郡) units that are believed to have existed alongside the Southwest shores of the Korean peninsula, during the transitional period between the Goryeo and Joseon dynasties, are searched for and determined. And the cycle that commenced with the establishment of those Gyogun units, and ended with either their reverse to their original state or the units' entire dismantlement, is analyzed here as well. In the Jeonra-do(全羅道) region, Gyou(僑寓) units are found in Jindo-hyeon(珍島縣)(which was an island), and other areas such as Abhae-hyeon(壓海縣), Jangsan-hyeon(長山縣) and Imchi-hyeon(臨淄縣). Among them, Jindo-hyeon was merged with Haenam-hyeon(海南縣). And Heuksan-do(黑山島)/Yeongsan-hyeon(榮山縣) was a case in which the unit was turned into a Gun/Hyeon unit when it returned to the inland(山陸). And in shore areas like Jangheung-bu(長興府), and other areas like Boseong-gun(寶城郡) and Goheung-hyeon(高興縣), Gyou units are found as well. Jangheung and Boseong were later temporarily merged with each other, and in Goheung-hyeon a Jin(鎭) unit was established during the Gyou stage. In the Chungcheong-do(忠淸道) region, the Gyou unit of Taean-gun(泰安郡) can be found, and a Jin unit was placed here as well. In the Seohae-do(西海道) region, Baekryeong-jin(白翎鎭) was first operated as a Gyogun unit when it returned to the inland, yet later it was dismantled and was merged with Yeonggang to become Gangryeong-hyeon(康翎縣).

고려 성종-현종초 북방 개척과 州鎭 설치

윤경진(Yoon, Kyeong-Jin) 한국외국어대학교 역사문화연구소 2011 역사문화연구 Vol.38 No.-

이 논문은 성종 13-15년 강동 6주의 설치와 현종초에 이루어진 州鎭의 추가설치를 통해 북방 개척의 추이와 北界 州鎭 편제의 전반적 양상을 구체화한 것이다. 고려는 거란과 1차 전쟁을 치른 후 압록강 동쪽에 대한 영유권을 인정받고 성종 13년부터 15년까지 강동 6주를 설치하였다. 축성 기사에 보이는 長興鎭 · 歸化鎭은 郭州 · 龜州로 비정되며, 安義鎭은 安興鎭(龍州), 孟州는 鐵州(長寧鎭)의 오기로 판단된다. 강동 6주 설치는 광종대 최전선이었던 嘉州 지역을 기점으로 내륙 경로와 해안 경로의 두 방향으로 개척이 이루어진 결과였다. 서희는 먼저 각 방향의 거점으로 귀주와 곽주를 설치한 후, 이듬해에는 여진 지역으로 깊이 들어가 흥화진과 용주를 설치하고, 이듬해에는 곽주와 용주 사이에 통주(선주)와 철주를 설치하였다. 한편 고려는 목종 8년부터 11년까지 곽주, 귀주, 흥화진, 통주를 차례로 증축하였다. 또한 현종 5년과 7년에는 거란의 변경 침공에 대응하여 용주와 철주를 각각 증축하였다. 이것은 당시 국제 정세의 변화에 대응하여 방비를 강화한 조치였다. 한편 고려는 현종초 기존의 변경 지역을 발판으로 각 방향으로 개척을 진행하여 주진을 추가로 설치하였다. 해안 방면에서는 현종 즉위년에 용주에서 압록강 어귀로 올라간 위치에 麟州를 설치하였다. 인주는 덕종 2년 축조된 장성이 출발점으로서 축조 기사에 보이는 寧海鎭은 인주의 전신으로 파악된다. 내륙 방면으로는 龜州, 泰州, 雲州로부터 각각 압록강 방향으로 나아가 安義鎭, 朔州(寧塞鎭), 昌州(長靜鎭)를 설치하였다. 안의진은 현종 8년에 설치되었으며, 본래 위치는 片月城이었으나 후일 郭州 해변에 僑寓하다가 폐합되었다. 삭주는 寧塞鎭에서 출발하였으며, 본래 위치는 조선초기에 大朔州라고 불리던 곳이다. 창주는 현종 원년 長靜鎭으로 출발하였으나 정종 원년 장성 축조에 수반하여 梓田으로 옮겨 축성하고 昌州防禦使라 하였다. 이들은 현종 말부터 압록강 하류 방면에 설치된 주진과 연결되어 고려의 국경을 형성하였으며, 덕종대부터 축조된 장성의 토대가 되었다. In this article, how the campaigns proceeded in the Northern border region of the Korean peninsula, and how the Ju’jin/州鎭 units in this region were established, since the reign of King Seongjong through the early days of Hyeonjong, are examined. After the first war with the Khitan dynasty, Goryeo was granted jurisdiction of the east side of the Abrok-gang river, and started colonizing the regions on both land and sea, to finally establish the “Six Ju units of the Gangdong region(江東6州).” After that, in response to changing foreign situations, they built fortresses and reinforced their defenses. In the early days of King Hyeonjong’s reign, additional Ju’jin units were established, as the Goryeo forces advanced into the Abrok-gang river area. For example, In-ju/麟州 in the coastline, and An’eui-jin/安義鎭, Sak-ju/朔州 and Chang-ju/昌州 on land, were established.

고려 태조대 鎭 설치에 대한 재검토 : 禮山鎭 · 神光鎭을 중심으로

윤경진(Yoon Kyeong-jin) 고려사학회 2010 한국사학보 Vol.- No.40

In this article, the Jin(鎭) units such as Yesan-jin(禮山鎭) and Shin'gwang-jin(神光鎭(Nil'eo-jin(?於鎭), which were established by King Taejo of the Goryeo dynasty, are examined from a new perspective. Previous studies considered these Yesan-jin and Shin'gwang-jin units to have been at the Yanggwang-do(楊廣道) province's Yesan-hyeon(禮山縣) area and the Gyeongsang-do(慶尙道) province's Shin'gwang-hyeon(神光縣) area. Yet certain facts, such as the situation in which those two units were installed, the exact time point when Goryeo first took control of the areas, characteristics of the regions where they were installed, and things that were done when the fortresses were built, all suggest that those units were never located in those previously suggested areas. Instead, these two units seem to have actually been at the Buk-gye(世界) region's Yong'gang-hyeon(龍岡縣) area and the Seo'hae-do(西海道) province's Shin'eun-hyeon(新恩縣), area. Yesan-jin was first built when the Seo'gyeong(西江) capital was being constructed, and the installation of this unit marked the beginning of the Goryeo dynasty's march toward the North. In the meantime, Shin'gwang-jin was built after a trunk line connecting the Gae'gyeong capital, the Su'an-hyeon(遂安縣) area and the Seo'gyeong capital was finally established. And there are more cases that should be reexamined in a similar way. Yeonsan-jin(燕山鎭) seems to have been not at the Yeonsan-gun (燕山郡) area but at the Tangjeong-gun(湯井郡) area, while the Gun'ak(軍岳) area which appears in the history of Yong'gang-hyeon seems to have originally been a Hyang(鄕) village located in the Gangseo-hyeon(江西縣) area.

고려 현종말∼문종초 北界 州鎭 설치와 長城 축조

윤경진(Yoon, Kyeong-jin) 국방부 군사편찬연구소 2011 군사 Vol.- No.79

In this article, how the Grand Fortress(長城) was created in the Bukgye region of the Goryeo in its early days, what was the background of such foundation, and what regions the fortress actually passed through, will be examined. Also some parts of the known history of certain Jujin (州鎭) regions related to the Grand Fortress, will be rectified as well. At the end of King Hyeonjong"s reign, the Goryeo Government established some new Jujin units in a concentrated fashion at the border region, in response to the Khitan threat and certain fluctuations that were happening. Also, existing Jujin units were reinforced, and thus a defense line along the Yalu River was established. The Grand Fortress was created based upon this defense line in the early days of King Deokjong"s reign. It covered the region between areas like Inju(麟州) at the mouth of the Yalu River, and Sakju(朔州). In the early days of King Jeongjong(靖宗)"s reign, additional sections were added to the fortress in its eastern end, and as a result the Jujin units which had been established with a distance from the fortress were connected to it as well. The Fortress" new east end was Cheongsae-jin(淸塞鎭). Later, more Jujin units were established between the Bukgye and Donggye regions (the Northern and Eastern Realms) and the Fortress grew even longer. We can see thatthe Bukgye Grand Fortress was created throughout three different time periods. Yeongsak-jin(寧朔鎭), which was recorded as a region the Fortress passed through, was only added in later periods(追記), and it is highly possible that the Fortress did not pass through areas like Ansu-jin(安水鎭) and Maengju(孟州). They should have been replacedby Yeonju(延州) and Changju(昌州).

7세기 초 신라 당항성(党項城)의 위치 재론(再論) - ‘당성(唐城)’설 비판과 ‘한강(漢江)’설 제기 -

윤경진(Yoon, Kyeong Jin) 역사실학회 2021 역사와실학 Vol.76 No.-

이 연구는 7세기 초 신라의 사행로였던 당항성(党項城)을 당성(唐城:현 화성시)으로 비정하던 그동안의 통설이 명확한 실증적 근거를 갖추지 못했음을 지적하고, 대중국 사행로의 역사성과 지명에 나타난 지형적 특성 등을 통해 현 한강 삼전도 지역에 새롭게 비정한 것이다. 당항성의 ‘당(党)’은 지형의 속성을 반영한 것이고 당성의 ‘당(唐)’은 당나라를 가리키는 것으로서 맥락이 다르다. 신라후기에 사용된 당은포가 삼국시기에도 사용되었다고 볼 근거가 없다. 의상(義湘)이 유학을 위해 당주(唐州)에서 배를 타려다가 실패한 사적은 신라후기 이후의 내용이 투영된 것으로서 실제로는 육로로 고구려를 경유하여 갔다. 당항진(党項津)은 당항성과 같은 지역으로, 포구와 나루를 겸한 특성에서 그 위치는 한강으로 파악된다. 역대 왕조는 강에 인접하며 이곳에는 조운과 사행을 위한 포구가 마련되었다. 고려의 전포(錢浦) 내지 벽란도(碧瀾渡), 고구려의 남포(南浦)가 대표적이다. 한성 백제도 왕성 인근에 포구를 가지고 있었을 것인데, 한성을 점령한 신라가 이를 그대로 활용한 것이 바로 당항진이다. 이곳은 조선시기 삼전도 일원으로 파악되는데, 인근의 학여울[鶴灘]은 형태적 특징에서 ‘닭의 목’에서 유래한 당항과 상통하여 이러한 이해를 뒷받침한다. This study points out that the conventional wisdom considering Danghang castle which was the road used by envoys of Silla in the early 7th century as Dangseong(currently Hwaseong city) doesn"t have clear and empirical basis. And it also newly defines Danghang castle as area of current Han river Samjeondo by utilizing the historical characteristics of the road toward China which was used by envoys, and the topographical characteristics in the name of palaces. . "Dang(党)" of Danghang Castle reflected the properties of the terrain. On the other hand, "Dang(唐)" of Dangseong means Tang dynasty. Therefore, the two are in different contexts. There is no basis to say that Dangunpo which was used in the late period of united Silla, was also used during the Three kingdoms period. There was a historical record that Uisang(義湘) tried to take a boat in Dangju(唐州) for studying abroad but he failed. However, in fact, he used land route that passed through Goguryeo. The historical record projected contents after the late Silla period. Danghangjin(党項津) seems to be the same area as Danghang castle, and was a place that combined a port and a ferry. The location is figured out as the Han river. All-time Korean dynasties were adjacent to the river, where ports for envoys and tax transportation were set up here. Jeonpo(錢浦) and Byeokrando of Goryeo and Nampo(南浦) of Goguryeo are typical examples. Hanseong Baekjae also had ports near the capital. It was Danghangjin that Silla used as it stood after Silla occupied Hanseong. This place was figured out as Samjeondo(三田渡) area of Joseon period. The fact that Hangnyeoul[鶴灘] nearby this place is in line with Danghang in terms of its morphological characteristics supports this understanding.

고려중기 고구려계승의식의 변화와 ‘句高麗’

윤경진(Yoon, Kyeong Jin) 역사실학회 2020 역사와실학 Vol.72 No.-

이 연구는 고려중기에 고구려를 가리키는 새로운 국호로 ‘句高麗’가 출현하는 배경과 의미에 대해 살펴본 것이다. 고려는 고구려와 자신을 일체로 인식했으며, 시간 선후에 따라 ‘前高麗’와 ‘後高麗’로 구분하였다. 이에 대해 ‘구고려’는 고구려계승의식을 유지하면서도 별개의 나라로 인식하는 변화를 반영한다. 이러한 변화가 나타난 가장 큰 이유는 고려의 영토가 압록강으로 제한된 것이다. 고려는 거란에 사대를 받아들이는 대신 압록강 동쪽 지역에 대한 권리를 인정받았다. 그런데 이것은 거란이 내려준다는 명분에 따른 것이었다. 이에 고려는 요동 중심의 고구려와 압록강 동쪽의 고려 자신을 구분하게 되었다. 그리고 고유 영토를 규정하는 역사적 준거로서 고구려 대신 箕子의 分封을 채용하였다. 또한 숙종 때 南京을 설치하면서 삼한일통의식이 강화되었다. 이전에는 고구려의 연장인 고려가 신라와 결합하여 삼한의 일통을 이루었다고 생각하였다. 그런데 이후 고구려는 고려의 출발을 표상할 뿐이며 삼한의 일통은 신라를 배제하고 온전히 고려에 의해 달성된 것으로 이해하였다. 이로 인해 고구려와 고려의 구분도 뚜렷해지게 되었다. This study takes a look at the background and meaning of the emergence of "Gugoryeo" as a new country name referring to Goguryeo during the middle period of the Goryeo dynasty. The Goryeo dynasty recognized itself as one with Goguryeo and depending on period, distinguished them into "Former Goryeo(前高麗)" and "Later Goryeo(後高麗)". In this regard, the word "Gugoryeo" reflects change of perception thinking Gogureyo as a separate country while maintaining its consciousness of succeeding Goguryeo. The biggest reason for this change was that Goryeo"s territory was limited to the Yalu river. In return for accepting submission to the Khitan, Goryeo was recognized its right to the east area of the Yalu river. However it was based on a pretext which Khitan gave. Because of it, Goryeo started to distinguish itself, east of the Yalu river, from Goguryeo, Liaodong-centered. And instead of Goguryeo, Goryeo utilized enfeoffment by Kija as a historical criteria defining its own territory. Also the "Three Hans were One" notion(三韓一統意識) was reinforced as Namgyeong(南京) was established in the period of King Sukjong. Previously, it was Goryeo"s thought that as Goryeo which was the extension of Goguyeo combined with Silla, Three Hans" unification was fulfilled. However, the thought changed into that Goguryeo represented just the beginning of Goryeo and Three Hans" unification was absolutely achieved by only Goryeo, excluding Silla. This also made the distinction between Goguryeo and Goryeo apparent.

羅唐戰爭 終戰期 전황의 새로운 이해

윤경진(Yoon, Kyeong-Jin) 국방부 군사편찬연구소 2017 군사 Vol.- No.104

The study of this article is the analysis on the several major battles fought between the troops of Shilla and Dang troops, based upon a new suggestion that the war itself was ended in the year of 675 with the battle at the Maecho-seong(買肖城) fortress. At the time, there were two types of battles: battles in which the Dang forces tried to obtain coastal areas for future skirmishes, and battles which were fought along Shilla’s northern borders. Battles at Chiljung-seong(七重城), Maesocheon-seong(買蘇川城), Cheon-seong(泉城) and Seokhyeon-seong(石峴城) fortresses seem to have belonged to the former type, while battles at Adal-seong(阿達城), Jeokmok-seong(赤木城) and Dorim-seong(道臨城) fortresses could be categorized as cases of the latter. In the meantime, the story of the Gibeol-po (伎伐浦) battle seems to have been established as a composite, concocted from the tale of the Wungjin Dodok-bu(熊津都督府) dismantlement, as well as the story of Dang general Seol In-gwi(薛仁貴).