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        NPI licensing in the INP contexts - Reviving the NOA

        ( Sohn Keunwon ) 한국현대언어학회 2019 언어연구 Vol.35 No.3

        The current study aims at providing an account for the licensing of negative polarity items in the so-called INP (inherently negative predicate) contexts. Sohn (1995) claims, following Progovac (1988) and Laka (1990), that there is a negative complementizer or operator in Korean just as in English, Spanish, and Basque and this negative complementizer, selected by an INP, can license an NPI within the embedded clause. Chung (2006) reports that not just an NPI within the embedded clause, but an NPI appearing as a matrix subject can be licensed in the INP context. After showing that this is not explained by Sohn (1995), Chung proposes an alternative analysis - the complex predicate analysis. However, there are also some nontrivial problems in Chung’s analysis as well, and a new analysis is proposed, which can account for the new sets of data as well as old ones. It will be shown that a slightly revised version of Sohn’s negative operator analysis (a new NOA) can advance our understanding of the NPI licensing in the INP contexts. (Hannam University)

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        A Base Generation Approach to the Pro-form Replacement Leaving Remnants

        ( Sohn Keunwon ) 한국현대언어학회 2019 언어연구 Vol.34 No.4

        The Journal of Studies in Language 34.4, 661-671. This paper deals with kulehkey replacement facts in Korean mit- type constructions, with a special focus on the seemingly remnant leaving replacement cases. It has been widely believed that no movement is possible out of the replacement site, but the relevant Korean construction seems to show otherwise. However, this paper claims that this apparent movement out of a replacement site does not involve real movement but can be explained in an alternative way. More precisely, it will be shown that the remnant phrase does not move to its surface position but is base-generated there and there is pro inside the replacement site. Ample sets of data supporting this view will be provided and the implications of this analysis will be discussed regarding the mit- type construction. (Hannam University)

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        On Island Sensitivity in Fragment Answers

        ( Sohn Keunwon ) 한국현대언어학회 2018 언어연구 Vol.33 No.4

        It has been observed that island violations can be obviated in Korean fragment answer constructions. This kind of island violation exemption usually is attributed to the repair by delete strategy as discussed in Merchant (2001, 2004), Park (2005) and others. Recently, Ahn and Cho (2015) claim that there are island sensitive fragment answers which contain covert correlations of the fragment remnant and the island sensitive and insensitive fragment answers can be accounted for on the basis of merger-sprouting distinction. It is argued in this paper that this proposed distinction between island sensitive and insensitive fragment answers is worth pursuing but the actual examples discussed in Ahn and Cho do not really serve as evidence for the existence of island sensitive fragment answers. It will be shown that there are two types of covert correlates ― obligatory and optional correlates and only the optional correlates (not the obligatory correlates discussed in Ahn and Cho) provide evidence for the island sensitive fragment answers. (Hannam University)

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