오영진의 역사극 연구 -<풍운>과 <동천홍>을 중심으로-

이주영 ( Joo Young Yi ) 민족어문학회 2012 어문논집 Vol.- No.65

본고는 오영진의 역사극에 나타난 역사의식과 그의 역사극이 갖는 현실 참여로서의 의미를 밝히는 데에 목적이 있다. 이와 같은 분석을 위해 본 연구는 작품 발표 당시의 사회상을 경유하여 오영진의 역사극을 고찰하고자 한다. 오영진의 작품은 그 특징에 따라 풍속극·시대극·음악극·역사극·심리극 등으로 분류할 수 있으며, 이 중 <풍운>과 <동천홍>은 역사극에 속한다. 관객은 역사극 관람을 통해 역사적 사실과 지식만을 전달 받는 것이 아닌, 역사가 재창조되는 과정에서 생기는 작가의 실천적 행위이자 의도된 인식, 즉 작가의 역사의식까지 전달받는다. 오영진에게 있어 역사적 사실을 극화한다는 것은 당대를 살아가는 사람들에게 필요한 행위였다. 오영진의 역사극에 나타난 과거의 소재·인물·정신은 현대의 사회정세 인정, 풍속 그리고 현대적 해석과 연결되어 있다. 오영진은 단순히 과거의 사실을 재구성한 것이 아니라 발표 당시의 사회로부터의 요구와 요망에 의해 역사극을 창작한 것이다. 이 연구는 오영진 역사극에 나타난 조선(대한제국)이 외부(다른 나라)와 관계하는 모습을 분석하고, 이어 그의 역사극이 갖는 당대적 의미를 밝히고자 한다. 그의 역사극은 당대 현실과 접속하며, 이 현실 공간에는 민족뿐만 아니라 당대의 정치적 권력도 함께 공존한다. The purpose of this study is to find out the meaning of Oh, Young-jin`s history dramas as a method to participate in the reality of the society at that time and his historical consciousness through his literary works. To achieve this analysis, this paper studies Oh, Young-jin`s history dramas through social aspects of the time when his dramas were written. Oh, Young-jin`s dramas can be classified into several categories such as historical drama, musical drama, psychodrama and so on. Among those, <Pung-un> and <Dong-chun-hong> are representative historical dramas. Watching historical dramas, audiences learn not only historical facts and knowledges but also writer`s historical consciousness which is writer`s intention through the recreation of history as present practice. For Oh, Young-jin, the dramatization of historical facts was necessary for people who were living in his time. Subjects, characters and mind from Oh, Young-jin`s historical dramas are connected to social situation, custom and interpretation of the society in his time. Oh, Young-jin didn`t simply reconstitute facts from the past. He created historical dramas for demand and desire from his time. This paper analyses the relationship between Jo-sun(Daehan Empire) and other countries at first and then tries to find out the meaning of his historical dramas of his time. His historical dramas connect to the realities of the time and these realities include not only people who lived then but also political authority.

A Study on Characteristics of Wet Oxide Gate and Nitride Oxide Gate for fabrication of NMOSFET

Yi, Jae-Young,Lee, Young-Hui,Yi, Cheon-Hee 청주대학교 산업과학연구소 2005 産業科學硏究 Vol.23 No.1

이 논문에서는 HP 4145 소자 테스터를 사용하여 핫 케리어 효과와 트래핑차지, SILC의 특성을 비교하기 위하여 질화 산화막 게이트와 습식게이트 산화막을 가지고 0.26㎛ NMOSFET를 테스트하고 생성시켰다. 그 결과로 습식게이트 산화막소자보다 질화 산화막 게이트의 특성이 더 좋다는 것을 알게 되었고 특히 핫 케리어 라이트 타임이 (질화 산화막 게이트 소자는 30년이나 습식 게이트 산화막은 10년) 길고 Vg의 변화 및 항복전압이나 트래핑의 충전 등이 좋음을 알 수 있었다. In this paper we fabricated and tested the 0.26㎛ NMOSFET with wet gate oxide and nitride oxide gate to compare that the characteristics of hot carrier effect, charge to breakdown, transistor Id_Vg curve, charge trapping, and SILC(Stress Induced Leakage Current) using the HP4145 device tester. As a result we find that the characteristics of nitride oxide gate device better than wet gate oxide device, especially hot carrier lifetime (nitride oxide gate device satisfied 30years, but the lifetime of wet gate oxide was only 0.1year), variation of Vg, charge to breakdown and charge trapping etc.

1950년대 후반 이승만정권의 ‘권력복합체’ 형성과 운영

이혜영(Yi Hye-young) 한국역사연구회 2019 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.112

Examined in this article is a core power group which supported and sustained Rhee Syngman’s one-man ruling of the country in the late 1950s. So far, this issue was mostly examined within studies that focused on the ruling party Jayu-dang(Liberal Party). According to those studies, coming into the late 1950s an oligarchy-type elite group -composed of several officials including Yi Ki-bung was formed within the Liberal Party, and from 1959 till the next year(when the regime collapsed), the party practically run the country from a dominant status, even sidelining the executive(administrative) branch. This kind of approach allowed us to view the Liberal Party which had only been considered as a tool for Rhee Syngman’s governing so far as yet another political entity that composed the very structure of governance. Yet at the same time, such studies -which also tended to ‘narrow’ the examination to the Liberal Party itself- ended up only discussing whether the party was able to serve as an actual ruling party or not, or emphasizing the existence of oligarchic elite group connecting the party and the cabinet and the expansion of the party"s influence in the operation of the state. In this article a larger focus will be placed on all three sources of power: the Liberal Party, the government’s Cabinet and the Presidential residence, Gyeongmudae[secretariat]. How they connected themselves with each other, and functioned within a singular structure, will be examined. Results indicate that there was a core power group -with Yi Ki-bung at the center- that connected all the above three sources, featuring a radial human network originating from Yi. Also confirmed is that there was a limit to the party’s control over the cabinet, and that the party and the cabinet had quite a ‘checks and balance’ sort of dynamic between them.

하빈 신후담의 『주역』 해석 일고찰

최영진(Choi, Young-jin),이선경(Yi, Suhn-gyohng) 한국학중앙연구원 2014 한국학 Vol.37 No.2

이 글은 조선 후기 실학자이자 역학자인 하빈(河濱) 신후담(愼後聃, 1702?1761)의 역학사상을 그의 주저 『주역상사신편(周易象辭新編)』을 통하여 고찰한 것이다. 이 글은 신후담 역학사상연구의 첫걸음으로 건괘(乾卦)를 중심으로 그의 『주역』해석의 특징을 살펴보았다. 『주역상사신편』은 신후담의 중기역학사상을 담고 있는 저작이다. 27세에 집필에 착수하여 33세에 완료한 이 저작에서 신후담은 정주(程朱)역학을 기반으로 하면서 이미 자신만의『주역』해석방법을 제시하고 있다. 먼저 『주역』의 편제에 대하여 신후담은『주역전의(周易傳義)』와 같이 전체를 12편으로 나누지만, 곤괘(坤卦) 이하의 배열구조는 옳지 않다고 보고, 경(經)은 경(經)대로, 전(傳)은 전(傳)대로 분류하는 건괘의 괘사?효사?단전?상전의 체제로 『주역』전체를 다시 편집한다. 이는『주역』의 ‘경’ 부분과 ‘전’ 부분에는 일정한 사상적 차이가 있다고 보는 것이라 할 수 있다. 신후담은 괘효사를 해석할 때 각 효의 자리(位)와 그에 따른 상(象)을 면밀히 분석한다. 상을 통하여 ‘의리’를 도출하며 점(占)을 언급하지는 않는다. 특히 효변(爻變)을 효사 해석의 구체적 방법으로 명시하여 각 효를 모두 효변에 입각해 풀이한다. 상과 효변에 입각한 『주역』 해석은 신후담에게 하나의 방법론이라 할 수 있을 정도로 구체화된 것이다. 이는 정주(程朱)의 역학과는 확연히 구별되는 특징이다. 조선 역학사에서 신후담 이전에 효변을 활용한 괘효사 해석의 사례는 간간이 있었지만,『주역』 효사 전체를 효변에 입각하여 해석하는 사례는 아직 찾을 수 없다. 또한 한 세대 뒤 인물인 정약용(1762?1836)이 효변을『주역』 해석의 방법론으로 체계화하였음을 볼 때, 양자의 효변론에 대한 비교연구, 더 나아가 성호(이익)학파 역학사상의 특징을 전체적으로 조감하는 연구가 필요할 것이다. 신후담의 역학은 ‘의리’를 추구한다는 점에서 정주의 역학을 계승하고 있으며, 효의 자리와 상의 관계를 철저하게 분석·종합하고, 효변을 괘효사 해석의 중심방법론으로 체계화하였다는 점에서『주역』 해석에 새로운 지평을 연 것으로 생각된다. This paper investigates the theory of Yi(易) held by Shin Hudam(愼後聃, 1702?1761) by examining his Zhouyixiangcixinbian(『周易象辭新編』). In particular, I focus on his interpretation of Qian Gua(乾卦) as it is the steppingstone of studying his theory of Yi. Shin starts to write Zhouyixiangcixinbian when he is 27 and finishes it at the age of 33. So, it represents his thoughts of Yi in the middle period of his academic career. In this book, Shin develops his own interpretation of Zhouyi (『周易』), drawing upon Cheng Yi’s and Zhu Xi’s theories. He divides Zhouyi with 12 sections as in Zhouyizhuanyi (『周易傳義』). However, unlike the existing way, he rearranged Zhouyi separating the Scriptures (經) from the Interpretations(傳). This reorganization reflects his view that there is a theoretical difference between the two different kinds of portions in Zhouyi. In interpreting the meaning of hexagram and the line, Shin fully analyzes the place of each line(爻) and its corresponding image(象). He draws out the implications of hexagram and the line without mentioning divination(占). Especially, he explicates each line based on the principle of lines’ change(爻變). Shin’s theory of Yi(易) is distinguished from Cheng Yi’s or Zhu Xi’s in that it is built upon the images and the principle of lines’ change in interpreting the lines. It also precedes one of the four interpretations of Zhouyi known as xiaobian(爻變) given by Jung Yakyoung(丁若鏞, 1762?1836). In conclusion, Shin’s theory succeeds Chen Yi’s and Zhu Xi’s in that it employs the implications (義理), whereas it differs from them in that it highlights the place of each line and its corresponding image and takes the principle of the lines’ change as the principal method of interpreting Zhouyi.

Can Music Dominate the Brain?: Comparison between Americans and Koreans using EEG Analysis

Yi,Eun-Jeong,Son,Joo-Young,Kim,Joo-Ho 한국상품학회 2021 商品學硏究 Vol.39 No.3

As a cross-cultural study, this study compared and verified the electroencephalography responses of Korean and American consumers to musical stimuli. The main purpose of using music in a marketing communication environment is to achieve favorable emotional responses induced through music. Musical factors, which are structural characteristics common to most existing music based on Western music, were set as an experimental unit, and whether music could induce specific emotions of consumers was measured through EEG analysis. In particular, the comparison of EEG responses between Koreans and Americans empirically verified existing literature studies thatmusic has similarities and universal characteristics around theworld. As a result of the analysis, there was no significant difference according to the nationality of the respondents. The fact that the stimulus response to music does not differ from culture to culture has a characteristic shared with the research results of similarities across cultures, behavioral patterns, and society in various research areas, starting with Chomsky s research. Based on the results of this study, it will be possible to contribute to the process of clarifying the musical characteristics of advertisements that can be universally applied in the globalmarketing environment and the emotional relationship of consumers, and identifying mechanisms that can be used as powerful tools of persuasion.

노랫말 바꾸기 활동이 유아의 어휘력, 창의성에 미치는 영향

이효숙,심성경,백영애,김경의 이화여자대학교 사범대학 교육과학연구소 2004 교육과학연구 Vol.35 No.1

본 연구는 노랫말 바꾸기 활동이 유아의 어휘력과 창의성에 미치는 영향을 알아본 것이다. 본 연구대상은 만 5세 유아 40명이었고, 16주에 걸쳐서 통제집단은 일반적인 노래부르기 활동을, 실험집단은 노랫말 바꾸기 활동을 실시하였다. 검사도구는 김영태 등(1995)의 그림어휘력 검사와 전경원(2000)의 창의성 검사를 사용하였다. 검사결과, 1) 노랫말 바꾸기 활동은 유아의 어휘력 발달을 유의하게 증진시켰다. 2) 노랫말 바꾸기 활동은 유아의 창의성 발달에도 효과가 있었는 데, 상상력과 신체영역을 제외하고는 모든 척도별 창의성(유창성, 융통성, 독창성)과 영역별 창의성(언어, 도형)을 유의하게 증진시켰다. 따라서 노랫말 바꾸기 활동은 유아의 어휘력과 창의성 발달에 효과적인 활동임을 알 수 있다. This study investigated the effects of changing the verse of the song on young children's vocabulary and creativity. The activities were designed by researchers and constructed by 4 steps such as 1) learning a new song, 2) changing the words, 3) creating a song book, and 4) presentation. The subjects of this study were forty five-year old children from two classes at G kindergarten in K City. Twenty children were in the experimental group and twenty children were in the control group. The method of changing the verse of the song was used over a 16 week period. The vocabulary test(Kim Young Tae et al, 1995) and The creativity test(Jeon Gyeong-Weon, 2000) were administered and analyzed by t - test with SPSS/pc programs. The results were as follows: 1) Changing the verse of the song contributed to increasing young children's vocabulary significantly. 2) Changing the verse of the song contributed to increasing young children's creativity significantly. And the significant effects appeared in sub-scales of fluency, flexibility, and originality except imagination and in sub-areas of language and figure.

토마토식물의 꽃, 화경 또는 어린열매에 처리된 GA₃가 잎생장과 액아발육에 미치는 효과

이영병,구우서,정순재 東亞大學校 1996 東亞論叢 Vol.33 No.-

When gibberellin A3(5㎍·??) was applied to the flower of 1st inflorescence of Lycopersicon esculentum at anthesis, growth of young leaves and axillary shoot elongation of 6th leaf were promoted later. Growth of the leaves and axillary shoot were also accelerated, as flowers of inflorescence were removed, while the application of GA₃(1㎍+agar 200㎕) to the peduncle without flowers promoted their growth. And young fruit treatment with GA₃(5㎍·??) increased lightly leaves growth.

제헌의회기 한민–민국당의 집권 전략과 헌법 갈등

이혜영(Yi Hye-young) 한국사학회 2016 史學硏究 Vol.0 No.124

이 논문은 정부수립 후 한민당(1949년 2월 10일 민국당으로 개편)의 집권 전략을 헌법 갈등과 연관시켜 분석하는 것이 목적이다. 이승만과 함께 단독정부 수립을 주도한 한민당은 처음에는 내각책임제 헌법을 채택함으로써, 그리고 이것이 실패한 뒤에는 각료직의 다수를 확보함으로써 정권을 장악하려 했다. 하지만 이승만은 ‘초당파주의’를 내세우며 내각에서 이들을 배제했고 한민당의 집권 구상은 실패로 끝났다. 이후 한민당은 ‘내각 개조’를 공식 방침으로 정하고 이범석, 윤치영, 임영신 등 내각의 핵심 인물을 상대로 공세를 펼쳤다. 이 과정에서 한민당은 의회의 정부 비판 분위기를 활용했는데, 특히 내각책임제 개헌론은 내각 개조를 압박하는 강력한 수단이었다. 결국 이승만은 한민–민국당 인사들로 내각을 교체했고, 1949년 6월이 되면 이들 계열이 내각의 반 이상을 차지했다. 그러나 이것으로 민국당이 ‘여당’이 된 것은 아니다. 새롭게 내각에 등용된 인물들은 민국당 안의 이승만 직계 그룹, 즉 ‘안국동구락부’에 국한되었고, 또한 의회에는 친이승만 집단인 일민구락부가 조직되어 민국당을 견제했다. 결국 민국당은 1950년 1월 27일 내각책임제 개헌안을 의회에 제출했다. 내각 침투의 타협적 방식을 포기하고 행정수반으로서 이승만의 권한을 박탈해 사실상 정권을 교체하려 한 것이다. 개헌안이 제출되자 이승만은 의회 안팎의 지지세력을 총동원해 이를 부결시켰다. 그리고 그와 동시에 직선제 ·양원제 개헌 추진을 공식화했다. 그 결과 내각책임제 對직선제 ·양원제의 헌법 갈등 구도가 명확해졌고, 이는 1952년 여름 피난 수도 부산을 정치파동으로 몰아넣은 뒤 끝이 났다. 이승만은 직선제 개헌에 성공함으로써 1인 집권의 제도적 기반을 마련했으며, 반면 민국당은 야당으로서 그 위치가 고정되었다. 또한 권력 연합의 공간이 사라지는 대신 선거를 통한 권력 교체만이 집권의 수단으로 남게 되었다. The purpose of this study is to analyze the strategy for assuming the reins of government of the Korean Democratic Party(KDP, reorganized as the Democratic National Party[DNP] on February 10, 1949) in connection with constitutional conflicts after the establishment of the government. KDP that led the sole government establishment with Rhee Syng-man at first tried to adopt the parliamentary cabinet system Constitution, and after it failed to take control of the government by taking more than half of the cabinet to come into power. However, Rhee declared bipartisanism and excluded them from the Cabinet. Afterwards, KDP designated ‘Reorganizing Cabinet’ as the official policy and launched an offensive against key figures in the Cabinet, including Yi Bum-suk, Yun Chi-young and Im Young-sin. In this process, KDP used the parliamentary criticism of the government. In particular, the constitutional amendment to the parliamentary cabinet system was a powerful means of pressing Rhee Syng-man. In the end, Rhee replaced the Cabinet with the KDP-DNP line, and in June 1949, DNP occupied more than half of the Cabinet. However, this did not imply that DNP became the ruling party. The new members of the Cabinet were confined to the An-dong Group, a direct group of the Rhee Syng-man in DNP, and Il-mingroup, a company of pro-Rhee forces to curb DNP in the parliament. Eventually, DNP submitted the constitutional amendment to the parliamentary cabinet system on January 27, 1950, which implied that the Party abandoned the compromising method of infiltration of the Cabinet and tried to deprive Rhee as the head of administration. It could be actually considered as regime change. When the constitutional amendment was submitted, Rhee Syng-man voted down it by mobilizing his supporters inside and outside of the parliament. But conflict was not end. Since Rhee formalized the promotion of the Constitutional Amendment in direct presidential election and bicameral System simultaneously with the reject of the Constitutional Amendment bill on March 14. As a result, the constitutional conflict structure of the parliamentary cabinet system versus direct presidential election and bicameral System became clear, and such conflicts ended after putting the evacuation capital Busan into a political turmoil in the summer of 1952. By succeeding in rectifying the direct election system, Rhee strengthened the power structure of the presidential system and solidified the foundation of one-person power regime. On the other hand, DNP fixed as an opposition party, and only the replacement of power through elections remained as their ruling means.

괴사후성과 비괴사후성 간경변증에서 원인별 주석교질 (^99mTc-tin colloid) 간스캔의 차이

이헌영,허승식,이강욱,정현용,김삼용,신영태,김영건,노흥규 충남대학교 의과대학 지역사회의학연구소 1992 충남의대잡지 Vol.19 No.2

The differences of the liver scintigraphic features between postnecrotic and nonpostnecrotic liver cirrhosis were studied for 69 patients. Degrees of mottling and splenomegaly were no different between two groups but shrinked form was more frequent finding in postnecrotic type(23:10), and normal shape & enlarged left lobe with shrinked right lobe were relatively dominant in non-postnecrotic group(15:6, 10:2). Grade of extrahepatic uptake of ^99mTc-tin colloid was significantly higher in Child-Pugh B & C group than A group(p<0.05), but there was no difference between postnecrotic and non-postnecrotic groups. These will be important results on the dicision for the presence of cirrhosis according to the variable causes.

1364년 김속명의 진해현 전투와 육전론(陸戰論)

이영 ( Yi Young ) 역사교육학회 2019 역사교육논집 Vol.70 No.-

It was the first year(1352) of the king Gongmin that the proposition of the rebuilding of the naval forces of the Goryo dynasty was proposed by Yi sack(李穡), the famous politician and scholar and poet. The proposition was to be put into effect in the 22and year of the king Gongmin. There were arguments against the Yi’s proposition for over 20 years. The so-called ‘anti-proposition of the rebuilding of the naval forces’ or ‘theory of a land fight.’ Kim sokmyong was the center of the proposition who had a big political status in the Court of the king Gongmin(恭愍王) and Wu(禑王), was greatly influenced by the combats and naval combats against the invader in the 13th year of king Gongmin. Especially, we have to pay attention to the miserable defeat of the naval combat of Izakdo(Izak island) and the great victory of the combat of Jinhaehyon against the Waegu(Japanese pirates).