政治學의 科學的 方法論 批判的 檢討

鄭然植,梁淳彰 경북대학교 사회과학연구소 1992 社會科學硏究 Vol.8 No.-

The paper is designed to analyze the so-called scientific approach in Political Science and through its criticism present a general framework for a new methodology mostly focused on the Marxist perspectives. To meet the basic requirements for the fulfilment of the above mentioned purpose, the paper sets the history of modern Western philosophy with respect to methodology on the opposition between the problem of value and that of fact. Historicism was mostly wrapped up in the problem of value, while positivism that of fact. The so-called scientific approach can be understood in the positivist tradition, dealing solely with the problem of fact and thus excluding that of value, as was shown in Max Weber and Talcott Parsons. Scientific approach in contemporary Political Science is integrated under the comprehensive category of behavioralism, which is composed of two main trends, that is, System Analysis and Structral-functional Analysis. Contrary to its original project, scientific approach only made it clear that objective investigation of fact cannot be indifferent to the problem of value. Post-behavioral revolution aims at the dialectical synthesis of value and fact. Till the present time, despite various theoretical attempts such as behavioralist revisionism and the revival of political philosophy, the dialectical synthesis of value and fact is possible only within the Marxist perspectives. However, apart from the validity of its philosophical premises, Marxist perspectives bring forth a complexity of problems when applied to the actual political research. This revolves around the interpretation of Social Formation. To present the Marxist perspectives as a refined methodology both in domestic and international political researches, it is necessary to make sure that the interpretation of Social Formation should be performed within the following three categories : determination of superstructure by economic base, relative autonomy of superstructure, and interactions between economic base and superstructure.

韓國 民謠에 나타난 諧謔性 考察

具然軾 東亞大學校 1978 東亞論叢 Vol.15 No.1

In examining the elements of humor as reflected in Korea ballads in the aspect of the inclination and structure of consciousness of the Korean people, I have found out that our ballads are so imbued with humour that it is extremely difficult clearly classify national disposition and consciousness acted upon by a sense of humour. However, as a result of close examination, I have come out with roughly four types of humour. First, it comes in the form of suppressive consciousness. Foremost is a sinse of humour related to sexuality, which arouses a wide appeal among people. Second, it is revealed in various emotions such as curse, toleration, love, seperation and even death, the last of which clearly shows an aspect of national character that the Koreans indulge themselves in humour. Third, it works through nature, and people describes it as an embodiment of the childishness of an imperfect, innocent and foolish child, thereby feeling themselves closely related and even united with it. Fourth, in terms of technique it is achieved by word-play. This indicates a mastery of language in bringing out humour, and the excellence of artistic quality with which our race is endowed.

美國의 뉴 레프트運動과 그 政治思想的 意義

鄭然植,金東根 慶北大學校 1985 論文集 Vol.39 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to explore the process of development of New Left Movement in United States and its implication of political thought by means of positively comparative analysis of related data and literatures. Since the term New Left used in "New Left Review" published in 1959 in England, this movement in United States in generally found in the Civil Right Movement in the South in 1960. Since that time, New Left Movement was variously evolved with Civil Right Movement, Peace Movement, Social Transformation, and Student Power. Civil Right Movement began with Martin Luther King's nonviolent movement and activist mass movement by S.N.C.C., and it was considerably radicalized afterwards. The beginning of Peace Movement in '60's was the formation of the S.A.N.E. With the Vietnamese War under Johnson administration escalated, the Peace Movement showed more active and large-scale phase, untill it triggered the Draft Resistance. New Left Movement also tried to transform the ghettos which were abandoned amidst the affluence of American Society, and played an active role in attaining a "more efficient welfare state." These New Leftists have sought for a motive of transformation in the poor class rather than in working class which was living comfortable life within the established order. The central power, which took the initiative of New Left Movement and landed it into apogee, is the Student Power. It started with Free Speech Movement on the campus at that time, but with the acceleration of the war in Vietnam it was changed into widespread anti-Establishment movement and employed strong-arm methods, thus evoking the advocation of intellectuals and leaders in the society and culminating in the spring of 1970 when America invaded Cambodia. After the mid '70's the Movement has been slowly dampened and the reasons for it are (1) the termination of the war in Vietmam and injury of American national self-respect, (2) the recession and its resulting decrease in demand for labor, (3) the change toward conservative inclination, and (4) the revival of American patriotism by the change in international situation. New Leftists in '80's took interest in the problems around them through incessantly systematic movement and refined diplomatic tactics rather than sought after revolutionary transformation in an impetuous manner. Now they get into the bottom of the society and try to establish a strong alliance between students and mass sympathizer. They represent econmic radicalism in the post-industrial society and sympathize with socialist development style in the Third World, but are not willing to take the way of extreme destructionists. They are activist voluntarists who criticize adversely all the Establishment and reject remaining themselves in a specific ideology. Thus New Left ideas are an "ecumenical mixture" of competitive traditional thoughts. But one obvious fact is that they have a strong love for human being himself. The clearest of ideological contributions of New Leftists is their ceaseless struggle for realization of "participatory democracy." Although some scholars may assert that the New Left Movement is under the influence of established ideas, it is nothing but a quotation as theoretical ground by the leading activists in this Movement. New Left Movement has a tendeny to be spread to scholars and technicians in contemporary society and this Movement seems to be a consequence of a social structural inconsistency in the post-industrial society.

先秦儒家 天觀念의 政治思想的 性格

鄭然植,金明河 慶北大學校 1992 論文集 Vol.52 No.-

The conception of Heaven derived from the worshipful senses of Heaven in China's ancient times is accounted by Confucians. In a Philisophical sense, it implies a meaning of controlling power, principle and nature. The conception of Heaven is the theoretical basis for ruler's governing. Especially, confucialns emphasize the governing by the ruler of person's vertue and the enlightenment. The conception of Heaven brings the appearance of Democracy that is signified the recovery of essence of humanity, in result. Confucians assert the recovery of social justice on which the conception of Heaven is based. Confucians, that take a serious view of the people, emphasize ruler's good government. If the ruler does not govern by the good method, they stress, his position is changed by the other ruler. This is the political revolution. In addition, Confucians insist that the government of the ruler is the realization of human nature identified with Heaven. As a result, the study of Confucians's Heaven was given weight to human beings and moral values, is meaningful in the contemporary times.

中蘇紛爭에 관한 硏究 : 理念對立의 發展樣態를 中心으로 with special reference to the development of ideological disputes

鄭然植 경북대학교 법정대학 1974 法大論叢 Vol.12 No.-

中共의 헤게모니 論爭

鄭然植 慶北大學校 平和問題硏究所 1977 평화연구 Vol.2 No.-

The peaceful co-existance policy between the West and the East as declared by Nikita Khrushchev at the 20th Communist Party Congress in 1956, has become an important turning point in the history of the international communist movement. The peasceful co-existance policy has been argued among communist nations; the argument was especially severe on the part of the Peoples Republic of China because he has maintained a major role among the newly founded ommunist nations, and also because the change was a kind of threat toward authorized world communism. Also it was a fundamental reform of the threory of Marxism which involved an inevitable war against Imperialist. From the Chinese point of view, the relationship between the China and the Soviet Union is getting worse than the relationship bedween the China and the U.S. In recent years, the hegemonic activites of the Soviet Union has reached to the South-East Asian, African, the South American regions and it has increased world tention due to military activities. Angola was a case in Africa where the Soviet sought to increase their national interests in the Third World. In this paper, I am going to describe the Sino-Soviet conflict on the problems of ideology, and especially the reality of the Soviet hegemony. I will also further define the rising Sino-Soviet conflicts and discuss the hegemony issue which arose at the Sino-Japanese Peace and Friendship Treaty Talks. Ⅰ) China has fiercely competed with the Soviet Union since the 1950s when they confronted each other over the initiatives among the Communist nations. However the Chinese situation was unfavorable in regard to the Soviet's continuous concern with detente has been an irritation, the blame of China has focused on the Soviet military activities and expansionism in the Euro-African area. Take Angola for instance, China argues that the Soviets show new signs of the Tsar intending world hegemony by means of military interention in the Third World nations which may result in war due to the colonial expansionism of the Soviet Revisionists. The first aim of the revisionist and colonialist Soviet in Angola was to break down the temporary government. Second was to bolster military intervention by supplyhing arms and military instructers, and at the same time, dispatching 10,000 Cubantroops under the Soviet support. Third, there is no question that the Soviet Union threatened The Organization of African Unity (O.A.U.)and force them to submit. Eventually, we understand that the goal of the Soviets in Angola has been not only to obtain natural resources such as petroleum and diamonds, but also to pursue world hegemony in competition with the U.S. Ⅱ) The traditional systems of Latin America in economic and socio-political relations have been changed with the transformation of the nations into major raw material suppliers for Europe. Because of this, the authorities of the traditional society were destroyed by the rapid import of Western Democracy. Martin Needler indicates this phenomena to be a Vacuum of Tradition in Latin America, where the nationalism grew to be a moment of social revolution within a tumbling political culture. The present political situation fo Latin America can be compared to a large battle field of many powers trying to gain the initiatives under the name of democracy. The recent Chinese criticism pointed out a new aspect of the Soviet expansionism and military development as pursuit of world hegemony in competition with the U.S. The new aspect they insisted can be abstracted in two features; one is military intrusion and the other is economic subordination. First, the Soviets supported the pro-Soviet portugean troops pertinaciously intending to upset several South American nations: Honduras, Columbia, Costa Rica and the Dominican Republic. Second, the Soviets made propaganda for the equal advancement of the South-Second the Soviets made propaganda for the equal advancement of the South-American nations only when the close relationship with the Soviets were guaranteed. To reach these goals, the Soviets adopted a new organization "Council for Mutual Economic Assistance" in Latin America. Ⅲ) The necessity for an ice-free port in Russia has been well recognized in geopolitical history. The Soviet Navy began to emerge as a significant navel force only after World War Ⅱ. The Soviets had only a small navy, deigned for coastal defense and largely inexperienced in deep ocean warfare. Due to scientific development, the Soviet Navy took on greater importance. The introduction of nuclear power in submarines futher refined and strengthened a rapid growing Soviet undersea fleet, which reached a high of over 400 unites in the early 1970s. This, the chinese argue, changes show a strategic power of the Soviet naval forces. In fact, the Soviet Union has launched a considerable number of submarines and missile ships, and has built several nuclear carriers. Such naval expansion of the Soviet irritated Japan and China because the Soviet had to pass through the Korea Channel. This intention of the Soviet may disrupt the peace of far eastern nations in the pacific ocean. The Soviet Union justifies such actions by stating that they are "protecting national interests." Still, China wonders about Soviets' justification of such strategic maneuvers of their navy around the world. Ⅳ) The hegemony articles which first appeared in the Tanaca-Cheu Joint Communique in 1972, were confirmed at the Sino-Japan Peace and Friendship Treaty Talk in 1975. China declared in this communique the Chinese would not prusue hegemony and also denied the dominance of the super powers. But the general Japanese Public has expressed an awareness of existing relations between the Soviet and Japan and Republic of China and Japan. Japan has had to consider the new hegemony articles in the joint communique as to whether the argument will burden Japan for an excessive partnership with the People's Republic of China,k and may impact on the relationship with the Soviet. Really, the impact of the hegemony dispute on Japan could not be ignored when looked upon during the present debate between the democratic party and the socialist party who insists on the same terms for Red China as in the Peace Treaty with the Republic of China concluded in 1951. As for the socialist party, they had to consider the conflict between the Pro-Soviet group and Pro-Red China group. In this circumstance, Japan had to take a balanced policy with China and the Soviet Union as well as a vague status-quo with Taiwan. Ⅴ) There are two important reasons why the Chinese insist on the anti-hegemony policy. First priority of Chinese national interests is to get a maintenance of traditional communism in Asia. This keeps them in opposition to the Soviets intention to pursue world hegemony. Second, China would not concede to the Soviet Union concerning the present situation among the tri-polar powers compete with the U.S. and concerning the problems of initiatives in the Estern European, South East Asian, and Indian regions. Third, the elimination of the U.S. and the Soviet Union from the Third World Nations will serve China's initiatives in economic and political aspects. Now, the first concept of the moralistic obligation thesis has proved to be a criticism of the Soviet alternation from the socialistic system to the capitalistic system. Second, the pursuit of hegemony faces the contradictions of the socialist nations instead of pointing out the contradictions of the capitalist society, mainly because Marx-Leninism does not permit the pursuit of hegemony but induces the capitalists to the socialist revolution. However, the present situation of the Soviets is not proletariat revolution but expansionism. Third, China insists that the Soviets face a contradiction by turning the forme socialists to the revisionist in pursuit of world hegemony. Ⅵ) We have examined the reality of the Soviet hegemonic activities and the characters of the Sino-Japanese hegemony dispute, and presented the Chinese hegemony controversy from early days to now. The dispute between China and the Soviet Union on the ideological basis of peaceful co- existance, proletariat dicatorship and national liberation movement has now been enlarged to include an international body, mainly Japan and the initiatives on the Third World. Further more, the problem is how the particular national interests related to the particular national ideology will influence the Sino-Soviet relations and what will be the result of the conflict in international relations.

美國急進主義運動의 擡頭와 衰退要因硏究

鄭然植,金慶麟,陳壽美,金東根 慶北大學校 1986 論文集 Vol.42 No.-

The purpose of this study is to explore the unfolding of the radical movement in the United States during the turn of this century. It particularly concerns about the factors determining the uprising of the radicalism at the end of the 19th century and its fall with the World War Ⅰ. The rise of American radical movement can be traced back to the industrializing era after the Civil War. It started as a reaction to the evils resulted from the rapid industrialization. Initially several movements broke out sporadically, however, until the radical ideology from Europe was flowed in. Then, the radical movement was accelerated. During this period, the leading figures who particularly influenced the development of the movement were: De Leon from the Socialist Labor Party; Gompers from the American Federation of Labor; Debs from the Socialist Party; and Haywood from the Industrial Workers of the World, etc. The movement in this era was unfolded the following historical phases: from 1870s to 1880s, the preparation stage of organizing the movement; 1890s, early action stage characterized by the Populist Movement, Pullman Strike, etc.; 1900s, the flourishing phase led by the Socialist Party and IWW; the declining phase was followed since the end of 1910s; after 1920s, American pragmatism again prevailed over radicalism. Factors attributed to the rise of the radical movement are: depravation of entrepreneurship; recurrent economic crises; deterioration of labor conditions; the influence of Marxism; and insensitive attitudes on the part of the capitalists and government. This paper also suggests the factors determining the decline of the movement: the rise of the American patriotism around the World War Ⅰ era; government's strong counteractions; anti-socialism prevailed by the negative impact of the Soviet Revolution; collapse of the movement organizations; economic recovery after the War; and the government's implementations of reforming policies. At conclusion, radicalism in the United States has played the preventive role against the risk of irreversible corruption of the Establishment and its rigidity.

1930年代의 美國急進左派運動

鄭然植,金東根 경북대학교 사회과학연구소 1985 社會科學硏究 Vol.1 No.1

The purpose of this paper is to explore the developmental process of Radical Leftist Movement in the United States in 1930's and its implication of political thought by means of positively comparative analysis of related data and literatures. The movement was influenced by the impact of U.S.S.R. and Comintern and the threat of Fascism which emerged at the same time when the Great Panic broke out in 1929. Its trends of main thought are socialism and communism, but the causes of its breakdown are the former idealism estranged from reality and the latter idolatrous attitudes toward the Russian policy line. The movement evolved with the social criticism of the older generation, with labor movements, with the movement of political party, an with student movements, that is, anti-war and anti-establishment, then being incorporated into the United Front Movement in the mid 1930's. But it was dampened slowly by the cause of the future oriented, progressive, pragmatic Americanism, the New Deal Policy which had adopted the revised capitalism, and the people's disillusion caused by the process of development of this movement. In short, it arose from criticizing internal and foreign crisis at that time, presented the prescription for the crisis, and declined with the disappearance of the very crisis.

韓國 上古代의 政治理念

鄭然植 경북대학교 사회과학대학 1982 社會科學 Vol.1 No.-

1. The object of this paper is to compose the traditional political ideas of the ancient Korea. There are a number of treatises about that time, but few among them touch on the aspect of political ideas. However, this paper would find out the main element of our original political thought which influenced political life of ancient Korean, thereby providing the basis of our subjectivity with an evident superiority over the ancient Chinese culture. This research mainly made use of the documentary records and scientific methods as much as possible, with the supporting facts from archaeological and mythological studies. 2. Korean nation belongs to the cultural circle of North-East Asia, the culture of Turan Plain in Central Asia, and its early form of faith was sharmanism, developing from animism to totemism. The thought of heavenly god, following the "Bright-Light" as the symbol of happiness and fear, had been constantly included in the ancient faith, so our ancestor had the advanced form of faith. As theocracy prevailed at that time, Tan-Kun had the position not only a ruler but also a shaman, In the early years of Tan-Kun-Cho-Seun, the Neolithic Age, they already farmed and raised domestic cattle, and the family system was established. So-called "Kiza 8 prohibition law" was a common law that had been effective among the dwellers. In the Bronze Age, the tribal state of Tan-Kun-Cho-Seun had came out predominant, and formed the leagues of tribes. About 2nd century B.C. it had developed a political system and established the feudal lords on the border areas. In Puyeu, King or chief of tribes were elected at the tribe conferences, and if King did not rule with virtue, he had to be replaced or killed. 3. In ancient time, Korean people highly regarded Bright-Light=Heaven, as it was the criterion of all value that gave good and happiness which were derived from the sun worship idea. So Bright-Light was continuously revealing in the myth of Koku Ryu, Silla, Kaya and most of old Korean states. Hong-Ik-In-Kan thought of Tan-Kun is the political ideas that saves the human being from disorder and rupture, and accomplihes welfare of all men. Hong-Ik-In-Kan thought includes ideas such as follows: The first is In-Bon-Ism; this idea means that a ruler must regard human as nobility, the core and basis of the polity. The second is Dae-Dong-Ism; this is the international-peaceful and universal idea that all men, not only internal but exteranl, are the same beings who can receive the benifit widely. The third is a principle of 'harmony', not aggressive but respectful among the clans or tribes. So it established the harmony of all men. The fourth is that the basic objective of governing is for the welfare of the people. Tan-Kun, son of God, was an educator and ruler who respected the providence. But if In-Bon-Ism applies thoroughly, it will bring about the handing over of the throne. 4. In ancient period, Korean culture was superior to that of Chinese. Ancient Chinese documents recorded that the East was called Dong-Ih where a man of virtue would never perish away. Benevolence, providence and humanity ideas, derived from Chinese Confucianism, also had been influenced by our Dong-Ih culture. Confucius, representative of confucianism was a descendant of Eun-race, whose culture was mainly influenced by Dong-Ih culture. We have considered the political ideas of the ancient Korea as the key subject, including political cluture, belief and so on, which as mentioned above were inherent, traditional and superior. Now, so long as Tan-Kun-Cho-Seon is historically recognized by documentary, archaeological and mythological research, and is confirmed of its value as political ideas and moral senses, we have to make it the basic source of establishing our subjectivity by more polishing our traditional political culture and ideas.

實學의 平等思想

鄭然植,蔡政旻 慶北大學校 東洋文化硏究所 1984 東洋文化硏究 Vol.11 No.-

It is obvious that equality is the fundamental idea of democracy with freedom and human dignity. We can find the idea of equality in the Korean Shil-Hak that come into exsistence from retort of ideological metaphisics indulging in academic discussion in the exhausted society of the latter Li-dynasty. At that time, Shil-Hak scholars criticized political, social, economic and cutural systems and presented many new reformationary bills. Most of Shil-Hak scholars asserted that man had to be treated equally, recognizing the importance of individuality and rights of human being. So, they denied traditional social class systems of Li-dynasty and asserted that any one who has capable of taking charge of public affairs could be oppointed to the positions of governmental institutions. Also, they maintained to abolish the slavery, discriminative treatment to illegitimate son and discriminative requirement to enter school by social class. But the idea of equality of Shil-Hak scholars had been restrainted by the social and economic situations as compared with modern sense of equality. And they couldn't define the conception of equality demanding right to the government to correct the social discrimination as modern time. But the conception of equality they insisted is very significant in the history of Korean political thoughts because it was succeeded to modern Enlightened-thoughts in the late Li-ldynasty and to modern idea of human right in Korea.