SK 목장 원유의 유질 개선 시범연구

강국희,전태욱,정충일 성균관대학교 생명과학자원연구소 1996 生命資源科學硏究 Vol.3 No.1

A case study was conducted on decrease of bacteria and somatic cell count in the raw milk for the raw milk quality improvement. This study was carried on SK dairy farm in Suwon city that had 4 dairy milking cows. The experiment was tested on 2 cows each for control group and treatment group respectively. Criteria of evaluation on raw milk quality were number of total bacteria, Psychrotrophic bacteria, thermophilic bacteria, coli group and somatic cells. All the cows were applied the same feeding system for 86 days (Mar, 14∼Jane, 7) The results obtained were as follows : Milk contents were fat 3.1%∼4.19% for control group and 3.21%∼4.76% for treatment group; protein 2.65%∼4% for control and 3.04%∼4.37% for treatment; carbohydrate 4.09%∼4.86% for control and 4%∼4.94% for treatment. SNF 7.78%∼9.45% for control and 8.05%∼9.7% for treatment. There was no significant difference in milk contents between control group and treatment. The number of total bacteria was about 8.0×10 exp(5)/ml for control group and 1.0 × 10 exp(5)/ml for treatment group. Psychorotophic bacteria were distributed from 1.79 × l0P/ml to 9.55×10 exp(5) /ml for control group and 5.4×10 exp(3)/ml to 8.95×10 exp(5)/ml for treatment group. Thermophilic bacteria indicated from 6.0×10 exp(3)/ml to 8.95×10 exp(5)/ml for control group, and 5.5×10 exp(2)/ml to 1.1×10 exp(4)/ml for treatment group. The coli group indicated about from 1.6×10 exp(3)/ml to 2.3×10 exp(4)/ml for control group and 1.0×10 exp(2)/ml to 2.9×10 exp(4)/ml for treatment group. The number of somatic cells were 1,534,000(±234,012) for cow No. 2; 197,000 (±59,681) for cow No. 4; 4,240,000 (±1,094,459) for cow No. 9; 951,000 (±784,990) for cow No. 13 respectivley during the experiment period. The somatic cell count did not decrease by the sanitary handling on cows and the tools during experiment period.

압전박막공진기 설계 및 제작

김인태,박윤권,김용국,이윤희,이전국,김남수,주병권 경북대학교 센서기술연구소 2002 센서技術學術大會論文集 Vol.13 No.1

영지 (Ganoderma lucidum) 자실체 다당류의 분자량에 따른 생리활성

한만덕;김용현;이현수;권현정;전미애;한국일 순천향대학교 기초과학연구소 2010 순천향자연과학연구 논문집 Vol.16 No.2

The study was conducted to investigate the biological activities of an protein-bound polysaccharide (GLP) isolated from the fruit body of Ganoderma lucidum. GLP was extracted by hot water and then it was purified high (GLP-HM) and low (GLP-LM) molecular weight fraction by ethanol precipitation. Both of GLP-HM and GLP-LM at doses of 20 mg/kg in vivo had the ability to inhibit the tumor growth of Sarcoma 180 tumor-bearing mice. Inhibition rates of tumor (%) were inhibited 60.6% and 38.7% by GLP-HM and GLP-LM, respectively. In assay of anti-complementary activity in vitro, the GLP-HM were higher than that of the GLP-LM polysaccharide. And also, the GLP-HM enhanced nitric oxide production of mouse bone marrow cells. When the GLP-HM was injected intraperitoneally in tumor-bearing mouse at doses of 20 mg/kg, the concentration of TNF-α in vivo was 140.9 pg/ml in the serum, 269.6 pg/ml in sarcoma tumor mass and 879.4 pg/ml in liver. This study shows that the high molecular polysaccharide from mushroom can enhance more the bioactivities than that of the low molecular polysaccharide.

The Effects of Elaboration on Logical Reasoning of 4th Grade Children

JEON, PYUNG KOOK,PARK, SUNG SUN 단국대학교 통계문제연구소 1994 數學 및 統計硏究 Vol.20 No.-

We investigated the effects on retrieval and logical reasoning of students having involved in instruction that required them to engage in elaborative processing. the 4th grade students(N=40) were randomly assigned to two treatment groups : Elaborative group and Non-Elaborative group. Students were taught geometrical knowledges for 7 days by computer. Retrieval of knowledges which were taught in instruction was tested, and the ability of logical reasoning which was combination of mathematical knowledges and logic itself was tested. Out results showed that the elaborative process had significantly effects on the reasoning ability as well as retrieval of knowledge.

Nano - scale information materials using organic / inorganic templates

Jeon-Kook Lee,Won Young Jeung 한국자기학회 2004 한국자기학회 학술연구발표회 논문개요집 Vol.14 No.1

Characterization of two antimicrobial peptides identified from a random peptide library and expressed in the methylotrophic yeast pichia pastoris

Joong-Kook Choi, In-sook Jeon, Ki-Duk Song, Jae-Don Oh 충북대학교 동물의학연구소 2013 Journal of Biomedical and Translational Research Vol.14 No.4

Antimicrobial peptides (AMPs) are an important component of innate defense mechanisms with broad-spectrum activities against various pathogenic microorganisms, including Gram-positive and Gram-negative bacteria, fungi, and viruses. Antibiotic resistance has become a pervasive and global health burden, resulting in the immediate need to develop a new class of antibiotic substances. We screened a 16-mer random peptide library using the yeast two-hybrid system with Beclin 1 as bait and found that two 16-mer peptides (named P4 and P30) appeared to interact with Beclin1 in the β-gal assay. The two candidate cDNAs were introduced into the yeast secretory system of Pichia pastoris and their expression induced in the presence of methanol. Spectrophotometric analysis and Disc clear zone assay using the supernatant of the yeast growth media showed that both of the two peptides had strong activities against Staphylococcus aureus, MRSA (methicillin resistance Staphylococcus aureus), MRSA2242, and MRSA-2250, but no effect on commensal Lactobacillus strains. PCR analysis of the genomic DNA of transformed Pichia pastoris using AOX1 primers revealed that the two cDNAs were integrated into the genome at the AOX1 locus. Our result suggests that these peptides could be developed as a useful alternative to classic chemical antibiotics.

막스 베버의 유교 테제와 한국 사회

전태국(Jeon, Tae-Kook) 한국이론사회학회 2003 사회와 이론 Vol.3 No.-

진한의 범위에 대한 재검토

전진국(Jeon, Jin-kook) 한국고대사학회 2018 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.0 No.91

진한의 범위는 신라의 전신으로 경상도 지역에 한정하여 보는 시각이 일반적이다. 이 글에서는 원사료에 기술되어 있는 정황과 전승을 살펴 진한의 범위를 다시 설정해 보았다. 『삼국지』와 『후한서』 한전에 기술되어 있는 진한의 위치 정황은 다음의 세 가지이다. 첫째 “마한의 동쪽”, 둘째 “북쪽으로 예와 접한다”, 셋째 “남쪽에 변한이 있는데 섞여 살기도 한다”이다. 마한은 한반도 중남부 지역 서쪽 전부이며, 예는 낙랑군 서쪽의 함경도와 강원 북부 지역이다. 그리고 낙동강을 기준으로 동쪽은 진한 서쪽은 변한으로 구분되기도 한다. 이러한 정황으로 미루어 보면, 진한의 범위는 경상도 지역과 함께 그 북쪽의 충북 지역과 강원 영서 지역까지 포괄한다. 염사착 전승은 삼한의 정치체가 처음으로 낙랑군과 교섭한 사건이다. 이 전승에서 진한은 모두 5차례 나타나는데, 하나의 정치체 및 권역으로 묶을 수 없다. 이 두 가지 사항 또한 진한을 경상도 지역에 한정할 수 없는 논거이다. 기리영 전투는 240년대 관구검의 고구려 공격과 연동되어 있는데, 남쪽의 낙랑 · 대방군 또한 많은 역할을 담당하였다. 그 전쟁의 마지막 단계에 진한 8국을 낙랑군에 소속시키는 조치가 내려진 것이다. 이때의 진한은 낙랑 · 대방과 가까이 붙어 있는 중부 지역으로 판단한다. 진한의 범위를 경상도 지역으로 좁혀서 보게 된 계기는 마한 중심의 삼한관 형성과 신라의 자국사 인식이 주요 요인이었다. 그러나 그 밖에도 진한의 용례와 신라의 과거에 대한 여러 기록이 시기와 인식의 주체에 따라 다양하게 확인된다. 이를 함께 고려해 볼 때 진한의 범위는 영남 지역에 한정하여 볼 수 없다. It has been commonly regarded as the area of Jinhan was limited to Gyeongsang Province. However, this research focused on a different context about the area of Jinhan that can be infered from several primary records. Sanguozhi and Houhanshu Hanjeon provide three kinds of records about area of Jinhan; “The east of the Maha”, “The north side touches Ye”, and “There is Byeonhan in the south, and some people live in same area”. Mahan was the entire western part of the central and southern part of the Korean peninsula, Ye was the west side of Nakrang Commandery or Hamgyeong and northern Gangwon Province. Based on the Nakdong River, the east was Jinhan and the west was Byeonhan. In this context, the area of Jinhan was not only Gyeongsang province, but also covers northern Chungcheong and western Gangwon province. Also, There are other evidences showing wider area of Jinhan. There is the folktale of Yeomsachang record that Samhan negotiated with Nakrang Commandery for the first time, and there are five times records of Jinhan, which is not limited in Gyeongsang province. Moreover, at the end of the Giriyoung Battle that Nakrang·Daebang Commandery helped Gwan Gu-geom attacking Koguryo, the eight nations of Jinhan were incorporated into Nakrang. From this record, area of Jinhan can be assumed to be middle part of Korean peninsula and close to Nakrang · Daebang Commandery. As a result, Because of Mahan-centric awareness, the recognition of Jinhan has narrowed. Especially, as Silla regarded Jinhan as its origin, this perception that Jinhan was Gyeongsang province became settled. However, according to above analysis of primary sources about Jinhan, the area of Jinhan was not limited to Gyeongsang province, but covered more north.

‘九韓’의 용례와 ‘韓’에 대한 인식

전진국(Jeon, Jin-kook) 신라사학회 2016 新羅史學報 Vol.0 No.36

이 글의 목적은 삼국통일 이전 신라에서 쓰인 ‘韓’의 명칭과 그에 대한 인식을 알아보는 것이다. 이때 주목되는 것이 ≪삼국유사≫에 등장하는 구한의 용례이다. ≪삼국유사≫에서는 신라 중고기 안홍이 지은 ≪東都成立記≫를 인용하여 구한의 명칭과 그 개념을 서술하였다. 그러나 이때 구한으로 열거한 9개의 나라(종족)는 신라 중고기의 상황과 맞지 않는다. 그리하여 구한은 신라 중고기의 용례와 개념이 아니라는 비판이 있어 왔다. 하지만 9개의 국명 열거는 후대의 추기로 판단됨으로 그 비판은 더 이상 유용하지 않다. 안홍은 황룡사에 건탑을 제안하면서 구한의 용례를 제시하였다. 구한의 용례는 중국에서 동북쪽 변방의 오랑캐를 일컫는 九夷九服을 변형한 것이다. 특히 안홍은 隋의 대흥선사에서 유학할 때에 ≪歷代三寶記≫를 접하고, 거기서 구복이 등장하는 구절에 직접적인 영향을 받은 것으로 생각된다. 구복을 바꾸어 구한으로 쓸 수 있었던 것은 한반도 지역의 종족성 내지 지명을 ‘韓’으로 인식했기 때문이다. 신라 사료에서 구한 이전 ‘韓’의 명칭이 나타나는 것은 ≪삼국사기≫ 초기기록이다. 그러나 ≪삼국사기≫ 초기 기록에 등장하는 한 삼한의 용례는 후대 편찬자의 의도에서 정리된 것이므로 當代의 인식이라 할 수 없다. 신라에서 구한의 용례가 쓰이기 이전 고구려와 백제에서는 이미 ‘韓’의 명칭을 쓰고 있었다. 고구려와 백제에서 지칭한 ‘韓’의 용례는 새로이 복속한 변방 지역 또는 자신들의 영향력 아래에 있는 인접 국가를 가리키는 것이었다. 이는 구한이 신라를 침공하는 주변 나라들을 일컫는 의미였다는 점과 유사하다. ≪삼국지≫ 한조에서 ‘韓’은 백제와 신라를 포함한 한반도 중남부 지역을 가리키는 명칭이었으며, 통일 이후 신라의 삼한 인식도 자신들을 포함한 자의식이었다. 그에 비해 구한의 용례는 고구려 백제에서 쓰인 韓의 용례와 마찬가지로 타의식이었다. 그러므로 신라는 인접한 고구려나 백제를 통해 ‘韓’에 대한 인식은 받아들인 것으로 생각된다. The purpose of this study is to examine the term ‘Han(韓)’ and it"s perception in Silla before the unification of the Three Kingdoms. Worthy of notice is the usage of Guhan(九韓) which appears in the Samguk Yusa. The Samguk Yusa(三國遺事) descibes the term Guhan and it"s concept while quoting from Anhong(安弘)"s Dongdoseongnipgi(東都成立記) of the early seventh century. However, the nine states(people) listed here does not match the situation of Silla in the 7<SUP>th</SUP> century. Therefore there has been criticism that Guhan is not the usage and concept of 7th century Silla. However the nine states listed here seem to be a later addition therefore this criticism is no longer relevant. Anhong presents the usage of Guhan while recommending the erection of the Hwangnyongsa(皇龍寺) monastery pagoda. The usage of Guhan is a variation of the term Guyi(九夷) Gubok(九服) which the Chinese used to denote the barbarians of the Northeast frontier. It is thought that Anhong came across the Yeokdaesambogi(歷代三寶紀) while studying in Sui Dynasty China and was directly influenced by the passage where the term Gubok appears. The reason Gubok was able to be changed into Guhan was because the ethnicity or place-names of the Korean peninsula was understood in terms of ‘Han’. In Silla historical records the term ‘Han’ which pre-dates Guhan appears in the early records of the Samguk Sagi(三國史記). However the usages of Han Samhan(三韓) which appear in the early records of the Samguk Sagi was compiled according to the intentions of a later editor and cannot be seen as reflecting the thought of the time. Before the term Guhan was used in Silla the term ‘Han’ was already being used in Goguryeo(高句麗) and Baekje(百濟). The usage of ‘Han’ in Goguryeo and Baekje denoted newly conquered frontier areas or a neighboring state that was under their influence. This is similar to the term Guhan being used to denote neighboring states that were invading Silla. In the Sangokushi(三國志) ‘Han’ refers to the central and southern parts of the Korean peninsula which included Baekje and Silla and the Samhan perception of Unified Silla was a self-consciousness that included themselves. In contrast the usage of Guhan, like the usage of Han in Goguryeo and Baekje was a alien-other-consciousness. Therefore Silla seems to have accepted the perception of ‘Han’ from neighboring Goguryeo or Baekje.

『任那興亡史』의 논지와 학술적 영향에 대한 비판적 검토

전진국(Jeon, Jin-Kook) 한일관계사학회 2019 한일관계사연구 Vol.64 No.-

末松保和의 저서 『任那興亡史』는 일제 식민사학에서 주장하는 ‘임나일본부설’의 결정판과 같은 책이다. 이 글에서는 『任那興亡史』의 주 내용과 논지 전개, 후대의 연구에 미친 학술사적 영향을 비판적 시각에서 살펴보았다. 『任那興亡史』의 논지 전개는 시기 순으로 사료를 조합해 가는 방식으로 서술되었다. 그러나 의도적 서술 방향에 입각하여 사료를 자의적으로 취사선택하는 모습이 확인된다. 『일본서기』 천황 중심의 세계관 및 상하의 질서관계에 대한 비판 의식이 전혀 보이지 않는 점도 문제점으로 지적해 볼 수 있다. 그리고 백제와 신라의 역사를 다루면서도 『삼국사기』가 아닌 『일본서기』를 주로 활용하고 있으며, 기본적으로 한국 문헌의 고유성을 인정하지 않는 시각이 내재되어 있었다고 판단한다. 『임나흥망사』에서 주장하는 역사 해석 및 학설은 오늘날까지 일본 학계에서 면면히 이어지고 있다. 나아가 그러한 일본 연구자들의 견해를 한국 학계 또한 수용하고, 통설로 인정하는 경우도 볼 수 있다. ‘日本府’를 사신으로 해석하거나, 「광개토왕비」 신묘년 기사를 전치문으로 이해하는 경향이 대표적이다. 따라서 末松의 『임나흥망사』는 결코 사장된 연구이며 폐기된 학설이라 할 수 없다. 새로운 시각과 논리 구조를 모색하여 연구를 진전시켜야 할 때라 생각한다. Yasukazu Suematsu(末松保和)"s book, 『The rise and fall of Imna(任那興亡史)』, is a representative book claiming "the Japanese ruling of ImNa(任那日本府)" from the viewpoint of Japanese colonial historiography. This article examines the main contents of the 『The rise and fall of Imna』, the development of the argument, and the academic influence of the later research from a critical point of view. 『The rise and fall of Imna』 develops arguments in a way that combines historical data in chronological order. However, it is found that the data were intentionally selected for a specific purpose. Another problem is that there is no consciousness of criticism of the emperor-centered view showed in 『Nihon syoki(日本書紀)』. Furthermore, Although this book deals with the history of Baekje(百濟) and Silla(新羅), it mainly uses 『Nihon syok』 rather than 『Samguk-sagi(三國史記)』, which shows that this book does not acknowledge the authenticity of the Korean historical records. The historical interpretations and theories claimed in 『The rise and fall of Imna』 still continue in Japanese academic world to this day. Furthermore, the Korean academica accepts some of the views of such Japanese researchers. It is a typical example that interprets "the Japanese government(日本府)" as a envoy, or follows the logic of this book to understand ‘year of Sinmyo(辛卯) article’ written in ‘The Stele of King Gwanggaeto’. It is time to move forward by developing new perspectives and logic structures.