INVESTIGATING THE EFFECT OF WEIGHT REDUCTION OF ROD-END IN DRAG-LINK PRODUCT WITH FINITE ELEMENT ANALYSIS, FATIGUE TEST, AND A CASE STUDY

Erinç Uludamar,Mustafa Taş,Sami Gökberk Biçer,Cihan Yıldırım,Ebru Aykut Yıldırım,Kerimcan Çelebi 한국자동차공학회 2020 International journal of automotive technology Vol.21 No.2

The connection surfaces of drag-link must be tough and safe enough to carry transmitted forces that exert on the product in service conditions. Therefore, undulated forming takes place in machining process to stay the rod-ends in the rod. In the rod-end, after forming process, a straight part which remains on the body causes extra cost and weight on the product. In this study, the result of shortening of rod-end which was produced from C45+N quality steel was investigated by comparing with the unmodified rod-end. The comparison was carried out by fatigue test and Finite Element Analysis. The results showed that the cropped part has almost no effect on the durability of the product. It is measured that the modification result with 0,082 kg weight reduction on each rod-end and 5 seconds shortening of machining process were observed by the modification on rod-end. The effect of modification on the part was examined in a case study. The case study indicated that annual expenses of raw material lowered by $9.124,56 and total cost decreased by $11.480,20.

Medico-Legal Death Scene Investigation : The Cuyahoga County Medical Examiner's Office Approach

Erin Marie Worrell,Joseph Stopak,AI Clark 한국법과학회 2011 한국법과학회 학술대회 Vol.2011 No.1

개방형 혁신 전략의 구현에 대한 경영인을 위한 시사점 탐색: 크라우드소싱 기반의 비즈니스 모델 분석을 중심으로

Erin Cho,한재훈 한국전문경영인학회 2012 專門經營人硏究 Vol.15 No.2

Open innovation strategy is a new paradigm strategy where a firm purposefully incorporates and integrates knowledge developed outside the firm's boundary for its internal R&D and innovation projects. One important variation of open innovation is crowdsourcing in which solutions are sought from a bigger pool, not only from external firms, but also individual specialists and sometimes users. While increasing attention has been paid to crowdsourcing as a way to incubate innovative ideas, facilitate creativity, and to develop firms' product and service offerings, systematic academic understanding is still lacking concerning how specifically crowdsourcing can be implemented. Based on the March's exploration and exploitation framework, the current study analyzes and categorizes different models of crowdsourcing. In particular, we identify three variations of the ways crowdsourcing can be used in terms of whether a firm's objective of using crowdsourcing is oriented toward idea generation, problem solving, or both. The results of this study would also provide valuable information for managers to choose a business model of crowdsourcing that aligns the best with a specific stage and a goal of a firm's innovation efforts.

Teenage pregnancy complicated by primary invasive ovarian cancer: association for oncologic outcome

Erin A. Blake,Madushka Y. De Zoysa,Elise B. Morocco,Samantha B. Kaiser,Michiko Kodama,Brendan H. Grubbs,Koji Matsuo 대한부인종양학회 2018 Journal of Gynecologic Oncology Vol.29 No.5

Objective: To examine survival of teenage women with pregnancies complicated by primary ovarian cancer. Methods: This is a secondary analysis of a previously organized systematic literature review of primary ovarian cancer diagnosed during pregnancy. Cases eligible for analysis were patients whose age at cancer diagnosis and survival outcome were known (n=201). Pregnancy and oncologic outcome were then examined based on patient age. Results: These were comprised of 95 (47.3%) epithelial ovarian cancers (EOCs), 82 (40.8%) malignant germ cell tumors (MGCTs), and 24 (11.9%) sex-cord stromal tumors (SCSTs). Teenage pregnancy was seen in 21 (10%) cases, and was highest among the SCST group compared to the other cancer types (EOC, 1.1%; MGCT, 14.6%; and SCST, 29.2%, p<0.001). Live birth rates, neonatal weight, full term delivery rates, and Cesarean section rates were similar between the teenage group and the non-teenage group (all, p>0.05); however, teenage pregnancy was significantly associated with an increased risk of serious maternal/neonatal adverse events (50% vs. 22.7%, p=0.013). On univariable analysis, teenage pregnancy was significantly associated with decreased ovarian cancer-specific survival (5-year rate: age ≥30, 79.6%; age 20–29, 87.2%; and age <20, 41.6%; p<0.001). On multivariable analysis controlling for calendar year, cancer type, cancer stage, and gestational age at ovarian cancer diagnosis, teenage pregnancy remained an independent prognostic factor for decreased ovarian cancer-specific survival compared to women aged ≥30 (adjusted-hazard ratio=4.71; 95% confidence interval=1.17–18.9; p=0.029). Conclusion: Teenage women with pregnancies complicated by primary ovarian cancer may be at increased risk of poor survival from ovarian cancer.

The Sexual Other and Reality Television : Representations, Repression, and Recovery

Erin DICESARE 이화여자대학교 이화인문과학원 2017 탈경계인문학 Vol.10 No.1

This article explores the creation and representations of the sexual other (also labeled as a sexual deviant or sex addict) created in the reality TV show Celebrity Rehab: Sex Rehab, the repression of sexual expression, and lastly the “recovery” and the role the confessional plays in trying to lift the silence surrounding the sexual other. This article focuses on the voyeuristic gratification that derives from the viewing of sexual confessions and the identification process as ‘normal’ through the ability to label someone an ‘other’ by their sexual practices. Through the use of Homi K. Bhabha’s work on “modes of representation of otherness” (68), this text explores how the identification of the sexual other can eliminate the ‘deviant’ label that surrounds sex and sexuality — especially when the conversation is in an open forum instead of behind closed doors. Reality television allows viewers to maintain power within the viewer-subject relationship; it also provides the audience an opportunity to label or remove labels placed on those operating outside heterosexual norms as deviant or ‘other.’ Finally, this text explores the power of the confessional — its ability to aid in the removal of the ‘otherness’ label and to open up dialogue surrounding the “taboo” associated with sexual practices (and speaking about it) within American culture.

Facial profile parameters and their relative influence on bilabial prominence and the perceptions of facial profile attractiveness

Erin Stewart Denize,Fraser McDonald,Martyn Sherriff,Farhad B. Naini 대한치과교정학회 2014 대한치과교정학회지 Vol.44 No.4

Objective: To evaluate the relative importance of bilabial prominence in relation to other facial profile parameters in a normal population. Methods: Profile stimulus images of 38 individuals (28 female and 10 male; ages 19?25 years) were shown to an unrelated group of first-year students (n = 42; ages 18?24 years). The images were individually viewed on a 17-inch monitor. The observers received standardized instructions before viewing. A six-question questionnaire was completed using a Likert-type scale. The responses were analyzed by ordered logistic regression to identify associations between profile characteristics and observer preferences. The Bayesian Information Criterion was used to select variables that explained observer preferences most accurately. Results: Nasal, bilabial, and chin prominences; the nasofrontal angle; and lip curls had the greatest effect on overall profile attractiveness perceptions. The lip-chin-throat angle and upper lip curl had the greatest effect on forehead prominence perceptions. The bilabial prominence, nasolabial angle (particularly the lower component), and mentolabial angle had the greatest effect on nasal prominence perceptions. The bilabial prominence, nasolabial angle, chin prominence, and submental length had the greatest effect on lip prominence perceptions. The bilabial prominence, nasolabial angle, mentolabial angle, and submental length had the greatest effect on chin prominence perceptions. Conclusions: More prominent lips, within normal limits, may be considered more attractive in the profile view. Profile parameters have a greater influence on their neighboring aesthetic units but indirectly influence related profile parameters, endorsing the importance of achieving an aesthetic balance between relative prominences of all aesthetic units of the facial profile.

REAL ID Act of 2005 - Privacy Concerns, Questionable Efficiency, and Uncooperative States -

Erin E. Murphy(에린 머피) 원광대학교 법학연구소 2016 圓光法學 Vol.32 No.4

미국에는 공식적인 국가적 신분증명제도가 없다. 역사적으로 사회보장번호가 사실상 행정적, 금융적, 법적, 개인적 이용을 위해서 사용되는 신분증명번호로 사용되어 왔다. 2001년의 9월11일 사건 이후로, 연방정부는 진정한 신분증명법(REAL ID Act)을 통과시켰는데, 이 법은 각 주(state)가 신분증명에 관한 새로운 연방규정에 대한 승낙을 할 것을 필요로 한다. 이 법은 오랜 동안 논쟁의 늪에 빠져 있었는데, 이는 많은 주 입법기관이 승낙을 거부하고, 학문적·정치적으로 몇 가지 의문이 제기되었기 때문인데, 그 제기된 의문은 효율성과 안보, 그리고 각 주의 신분증명의 요건과 절차에 관한 정밀분석의 필요성에 관한 것들이다. 반대론자들은 이 법이 안보상의 약점을 증대시킬 것이라고 믿는 반면, 찬성론자들은 이 법이 테러와의 전쟁에 도움이 되는 효과적인 방법이라고 믿는다. 연방정부가 이 비용이 많이 들고 논쟁거리가 아주 많은 이 입법을 다시 하지 않을 것이라는 점은 명백하다. 연방정부는 Real ID 법을 승인하지 않는 주의 승인기한연장을 거부했다. 이르면 2018년부터 REAL ID에 따른 신분증명이 없이 이들 주를 여행하는 것은 제한을 받게 될것이다, 사생활보호, 효율성 및 필요성에 관한 문제, 그리고 많은 주가 REAL ID법을 따르지 않는 문제 등으로 인하여 미국이 나누어져 있다는 것과, 진정한 국가적 신분증명 프로그램의 이행이 임박한 현실이 아니고 또한 임박한 현실이 되지 않을 것은 명백하다. The United States does not have a formal national identification system. Historically, the Social Security Number has been used as a de facto identification number for governmental, financial, legal, and private uses. After the events of September 11, 2001, the federal government passed a law called the REAL ID Act, which would necessitate states to comply with new federal regulations regarding identification. This legislation has been mired in a lengthy battle, with many state legislatures refusing compliance, both academic and political questions being raised regarding the efficiency, security and the necessity of overhauling each state’s identification requirements and procedures. Opponents believe this will lead to increased security vulnerability, while proponents believe this is an effective way to aid in the war on terror. It is clear that the federal government is not going back on this expensive and highly contested legislation, as extensions have recently been denied to non-compliant states. As early as 2018, domestic travel will be affected in those states without REAL ID compliant identification. With privacy, efficiency and necessity concerns, and the lack of compliance by many states with the REAL ID Act, it is clear that The United States is divided on this issue and that true implementation of a national identification program is not an imminent reality and should not be.

The United States Supreme Court and the Erosion of Remedies

Erin E. Murphy 동아대학교 법학연구소 2022 東亞法學 Vol.- No.97

사법제도(司法制度)는 법 위반에 대해 응답하고 해결책을 제공하기 위한 것이다. 정의의 실현과 사법적 구제를 통한 공정한 결과의 도출을 요구하는 것은 국내법과 국내법에서 공히 인정되는 기본권이다. 사법적 구제수단이 없다면 사법제도를 이용하는 해결을 기대할 수 없기 때문에 위법행위로 인한 피해자들이 사법절차를 이용할 이유가 없다. 사법적 구제수단은 모든 다른 권리를 충족시키기 위한 필수불가결한 것이다. 피해를 주장하는 자가 구제받을 길이 없다면 효과적인 권리보호를 받을 수 없다. 이러한 것은 의심할 여지가 없는 것처럼 보이는데도 2021-2022년의 미국연방대법원의 현재 다수의견은 종전에 헌법적으로나 실정법적으로 요구되는 영역에서의 사법적 구제를 구하는 원고들의 권리범위를 꾸준히 축소해 왔다. 본 논문에서 소개 된 8개의 사례(Shinn v. Ramirez, Shoop v. Twyford Brown v. Davenport, Garland v. Gonzalez, Patel v. Garland, Vega v. Tekoh, Cummings v. Premier Rehab Keller, P.L.L.C., and Egbert v. Boule)에서 미국연방대법원은 과거의 선례와 최근의 선례를 모두 뒤집고 청구인들에 관한 사건을 연방법원의 관할로부터 차단했다. 예를 들어 Shinn v. Ramirez 사건과 Shoop v. Twyford 사건에서 연방대법원은 두 명의 사형 피고인들에게 구속적부심사청구를 부인하여 변호인의 조력을 제대로 받지 못한 것을 재판상 다툴 여지를 주지 않았다. 다른 사형선고 사건인 Brown v. Davenport 사건에서 연방대법원은 최근의 선례를 뒤엎고 반테러법 및 유효사형법 하에서 구속적부심사에 의한 구제의 범위를 더욱 좁히고 부인하여, 피고인은 거의 불가능에 가까운 기준을 충족시켜야만 하도록 했다. Garland v. Gonzalez 사건과 Patel v. Garland 사건에서 연방대법원은 단체소송 사건의 법정관할과 이민자에 대한 행정명령에 대한 사법심사를 제거하였는데, 앞으로 이민절차에서의 헌법적·실정법적 권리침해를 주장하는 자들이 항소하지 못하게 될 것이 분명하다. 본 논문에서 논의된 모든 사례 및 다른 사건에서, 연방대법원은 선례 및/또는 법정관할의 논리적 해석을 번복하여 법원에 대한 접근을 부인하였고, 향후의 사건에서 다수의견은 사법 구제를 계속 거절할 것으로 예상된다. 개인(생식건강권을 뒤엎은 Dobbs v. Jackson WHO 사건), 주정부(공해배출을 규제하는 환경보호기관의 권한을 제한한 West Virginia v. EPA 사건), 주의 통치권 (뉴욕주 총기안전법을 뒤집은 NYSRPA v. Bruen 사건) 등의 권리에 대하여 국제적으로 비난을 받은 대담한 변화를 가져온 법원의 최근 결정과 대비하면, 본 논문에서 요약한 사건들은 헌법상의 절차적 권리를 서서히 점진적으로 축소하는 것이다. 근래의 사건들은 선례를 무시하고, 재판받을 기본권에 직접적으로 반하여 비논리적인 실정법의 해석 및 적용을 함으로써 헌법상의 권리를 축소하는 결과를 가져 온다는 것을 보여주고 있다. 만일 연방 입법이 구속적부심사청구의 관할, 이민자의 항소, 헌법상의 사법적(私法的) 구제의 확장을 도입하지 않는다면 사법제도(司法制度)는 형평을 위한 것이라기 보다는 정의에 관한 환상에 불과할 것이다. The purpose of a judicial system is to provide an answer and solution for a violation of law. Access to justice or a fair outcome via a judicial remedy is a fundamental right, recognized in both domestic and international law. Without judicial remedy, those harmed by a violation of the law would have no reason to enter the judicial system because there would be no solution. In essence, judicial remedies are imperative to fulfil all other rights, as there is no effective protection for rights if one who claims harm has no path to a remedy. Despite this being a seemingly doubtless concept, the current majority of the United States Supreme Court term (2021-2022), has steadily reduced the ability for plaintiffs to seek judicial remedies in areas that were previously constitutionally and statutorily required. In the eight cases outlined in this article (Shinn v. Ramirez, Shoop v. Twyford Brown v. Davenport, Garland v. Gonzalez, Patel v. Garland, Vega v. Tekoh, Cummings v. Premier Rehab Keller, P.L.L.C., and Egbert v. Boule), the Court has blocked petitioners from federal jurisdiction, overturning both longstanding and recent precedent. For example, in Shinn v. Ramirez and Shoop v. Twyford, the Court denied habeas corpus relief to two death penalty defendants, leaving them with no venue to litigate ineffective assistance of counsel claims. In another death penalty case, Brown v. Davenport, another death penalty case, the Court further narrowed and denied habeas relief under the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act, overturning recent precedent and creating a rule in which to seek constitutional review, a defendant must meet near impossible standards. In Garland v. Gonzalez and Patel v. Garland, the Court removed statutory jurisdiction for class action suits and federal judicial review of administrative orders for immigrants, which will essentially bar appeals for those claiming violations of constitutional or statutory rights in immigration proceedings. In all of these instances and the other cases discussed, the Court has overturned precedent and/or logical reading of statutory jurisdiction to deny access to the Courts and it is anticipated in the upcoming cases that the majority will continue to block access to judicial relief. Contrasted with the recent decisions by the court that made bold changes which were internationally condemned to the rights of both individuals (Dobbs v. Jackson WHO, overturning the right to reproductive health), the federal government (West Virginia v. EPA, limiting the Environmental Protection Agency’s power to curb emissions), and state sovereignty (NYSRPA v. Bruen, overturning a New York State gun safety law) the cases outlined in this article, are a more insidious and gradual reduction of procedural constitutional rights. These recent cases show a disregard for precedent, an illogical application of statutory interpretation that directly contradicts the foundational right to a judicial remedy and results in a reduction in constitutional rights. If federal legislation is not introduced to expand habeas corpus jurisdiction, immigration appeals, and constitutional civil remedies, the judiciary will be an illusion of justice rather than a path for equity.

The Winner Takes All and Will Never Give it Up: The U.S. Supreme Court Must Protect Voters from the Electoral College

ERIN E. MURPHY 경북대학교 법학연구원 2020 법학논고 Vol.0 No.71

Among contemporary democracies, the method for electing the chief executive of the United States is an anomaly, with a history that is arguably rooted by inequity and an effect that disregards the choice of millions of voters every four years. This result after this long is a feature and not a bug of this design, at least to whichever party is in control. Perhaps this inequity is the reason that this election method is one of the only US governmental plans that has not been replicated by any other democracies worldwide or by any of the states within the US. The electoral college combined with the vast majority of states that use the “winner takes all” (WTA) system to elect a president every four years is not only undemocratic in practice, it is unconstitutional, as it deprives equal protection under the law to residents in the minority. For decades, politicians and academics on both sides of the political spectrum have made arguments for a constitutional amendment to abolish or alter the Electoral College. This procedure could certainly be a solution to the inequity that minority voters endure, it is not the only path to take and it is not necessary to change the constitution to achieve equal protection. This is not a political issue, it is a constitutional one because the WTA deprives minority voters of their political capital. The WTA system is not a constitutional mandate, but rather a creation of the majority of the states. The WTA method assigns all the Electoral votes to the winner of the popular vote in that state, regardless of the margin of victory. This results in the concentration of political power that does not represent the State’s voters and denies any voice whatsoever to minority voters within the State. This system is in contrast to the “one person, one vote” principle, which is well established in Fourteenth Amendment Supreme Court jurisprudence and therefore violates the fundamental constitutional right to vote. There have been recent judicial challenges to the constitutionality of the method of determining Electors which have not survived the Circuit Courts, but the gravity and uniqueness of the situation necessitates that the Supreme Court review this issue. By reviewing these challenges and the disenfranchisement of voters in California, Massachusetts, South Carolina and Texas that have sought relief, the Supreme Court can protect the voting rights of millions without waiting for a political party that is in power to make the unlikelydecisiontochangethesystemthatgavethempower. In this article, I will explore the history of the Electoral College and the WTA comparing it to other countries indirect election methods, explain the growing geographic inequity that continues to increase the unlikelihood of legislative action and summarize the recent Circuit Court cases. I will also put forth both a judicial and non-judicial plan to remedy the injustice created by these systems, while maintaining that judicial intervention is the appropriate remedy.

Accuracy Refinement Algorithms for Mobile User Location Tracking by Radio Signal Strength Indication Approach

Erin-Ee-Lin Lau,Wan-Young Chung 대한전자공학회 2007 ITC-CSCC :International Technical Conference on Ci Vol.2007 No.7

A RSSI-based (Received Signal Strength Indication) real-time location tracking system in combination with several refining algorithms was designed and fabricated. The refinement algorithms are implemented in three phases. Firstly, RSSI values at different static locations are collected and processed to build a calibrated model for each reference node. Different measurement campaigns pertinent to each parameter in the model are implemented to analyze the sensitivity of RSSI. RSSI smoothing algorithm is proposed to minimize the dynamic fluctuation of radio signal received from each reference node when the blind node is moving. Filtered RSSI values are converted to distances using formula calibrated in the first phase. Finally, an iterative trilateration algorithm is used for position estimation. Experiments relevant to each optimization algorithms are carried out in an open outdoor environment and the combined results validated the feasibility of proposed algorithms in reducing the dynamic fluctuation for more accurate position estimation.